From DASHNOR KALOÇI
Part Three
Memorie.al / When not even three months had passed since the declaration of political pluralism in Albania, and the country was on the verge of the first pluralist elections to be held after nearly 45 years of rule by the communist regime, led first by Enver Hoxha and then by his successor Ramiz Alia, on March 6, 1991, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the PPSH (Party of Labour of Albania), headed by First Secretary Ramiz Alia, held a lengthy meeting. During this meeting, several of the main events that had occurred recently were analyzed, also making a retrospective of all that had happened over the span of a year. Beginning with the events of Shkodër in January 1990, concerning the removal of Stalin’s bust, then those of Kavajë; the events of July 2nd, when around 6,000 people entered foreign embassies in Tirana and left Albania; the coincidence of these events with the declaration of Kosovo’s Constitution on that same July 2nd; the “implication of the international reaction,” led by the CIA, the French, and the Yugoslavs, aiming to destabilize Albania; the student youth protests in the “Student City” in December, which led to the declaration of political pluralism; the mass departures of Albanians from the country across the northwestern and southeastern borders toward Yugoslavia and Greece; the toppling of Enver Hoxha’s monument on February 20, 1991; the mass exodus of the first days of March 1991, when thousands of Albanian citizens seized ships in the country’s main ports and left for the Italian coasts; the danger of a repeat of the embassy incidents; and up to the preparations for the first pluralist elections, which were to be held on March 31, 1991, where, according to the Albanian embassy in Athens, the American ambassador there had refused an invitation to go to Boston, stating that: “events are expected to happen in Albania.”
Regarding these and other matters, reference is made in this secret archival document (long since declassified), taken from the Central State Archive (the fund of the former Central Committee of the PPSH), which contains the minutes of the Politburo meeting. Besides the report of Ramiz Alia, who also dwelt on and spoke about the Democratic Party and its two main leaders, Azem Hajdari and Sali Berisha, it also includes all the discussions of the “comrades of the Politburo” and the secretaries of the Central Committee of the PPSH. For more details on this, etc., we are informed by the document in question, which is published for the first time with its respective facsimiles, by Memorie.al
Continued from the previous issue
ARCHIVAL DOCUMENT WITH THE MINUTES OF THE MEETING OF THE POLITBURO OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE PPSH, MARCH 6, 1991
THE PARTY OF LABOUR OF ALBANIA – CENTRAL COMMITTEE
Secretariat – General Department
M I N U T E S
OF THE MEETING OF THE POLITBURO OF THE PARTY’S CENTRAL COMMITTEE
March 6, 1991, 5:00 PM
The Politburo of the Central Committee of the PPSH, in its meeting of March 6, 1991, discussed the events of the last few days and the Letter to be delivered to the Party’s base organizations. The meeting is chaired by Comrade Ramiz Alia, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party of Labour of Albania.
Attending are the members and candidate members of the Politburo, comrades: Adil Çarçani, Besnik Bekteshi, Hekuran Isai, Pali Miska, Vangjel Çërava, Xhelil Gjoni, Llambi Gegprifti, Niko Gjyzari, Xhemal Dymylja, as well as the secretaries of the Party’s Central Committee, comrades: Spiro Dede and Abdyl Backa. Comrade Kiço Mustaqi is absent with a valid reason.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE MEETING
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: Now the problem with the embassies in Tirana has started again. If the various ambassadors keep their word not to accept people without passports, this situation can be overcome. But in any case, we are faced with a situation where we don’t know what kind of games various elements are playing. Regarding the Party issue, you should know, at least to relieve our conscience a little that we have not acted well with the Central Committee. It has not been active.
Its composition has been one reason why many measures we have taken have not found support and swifter implementation. It seems to me that we ourselves are to blame for this, starting with me. It was imperative for the Party to renew itself in its concepts, as well as in its leadership. Several factors have influenced this. After Comrade Enver’s death, when we held the 9th Party Congress, I had the idea that it should be a congress of continuity, just as we declared it.
I linked this continuity with the people who were in the Party leadership, meaning that no changes should be made, lest it appear that with Comrade Enver’s death we were also changing the Party’s leading cadre. If at that time we had a positive view on this matter, in practice we acted wrongly, because we left the Party’s Central Committee as old as it was, we left the Politburo as old as it was, not only in terms of the people but also in terms of abilities, as it did not meet the demands of the time. Subsequent developments fully confirmed this.
We are facing a congress. We hoped that through the reforms we made we would pave the way for the congress and there we would carry out the complete renewal of the Party, as we also emphasized at the National Party Activist Meeting on December 26, 1990. But, as it appears, the Party is not satisfied with us. From many letters I receive from the Party’s base organizations, from communists, from many meetings I have had with numerous individuals and groups of people, they have openly raised the issue that the Party cannot continue like this. You know that a group of six ministers from the previous government came to me at the Central Committee and raised the issue that changes must necessarily be made in the Party’s life, that it must be renewed because things cannot go on like this anymore.
It got to the point where they asked for their resignations, but I did not accept them. They were all young in age, whom I do not think were against the Party, but they had the concept that the Party must adapt to the developments of the time. Since the Party, through its electoral program and draft constitution, strives to adapt to the objective realities of today’s development, why should it lag behind organizationally, in terms of cadres, in the organizational aspect of practical activity, and in its methodology?
This is a question we ask ourselves as well. This is the source, it seems to me, and of the words being said everywhere that a socialist party will emerge. And if this party emerges, it will be a faction that will attract the Party’s intelligentsia, leaving behind its aged part. If that happened, it would be a blow, first and foremost, against the Party. Especially on the eve of the elections, it would be fatal. This faction would impose itself with a certain political line. It is another matter how we would act, and how and to what extent we would defend the Party from its blows.
I have thought, and we could discuss it that perhaps we should announce now before the elections – naturally, not these very days, but once the situation calms down – an organizing committee for the congress, to give strength to the Party. This committee would include comrades from the current Party Central Committee, but also other simple party members from the ranks of the intelligentsia, workers, young people who have a name and prestige among the masses. This organizing committee could have a large number, around 70-75 people, and would be tasked with preparing the 10th Party Congress.
Regarding the current situation, would it be useful to address a Letter to the Party’s base organizations? There is no doubt that this is a draft that needs to be worked on. The Party’s great struggle now must be concentrated on the elections for deputies to the People’s Assembly, in which the opposition parties will also participate. It is imperative that in these elections the Party wins the majority; otherwise, the situations will not be favorable, on the contrary, they could worsen. From what I have discussed about the elections, some comrades are optimistic. And optimism is a very good thing. But we must keep in mind that there is also an allergy. Let us not forget this. The issue here is not whether the voter likes or dislikes, but the problem is that they vote or do not vote for the Party.
Comrade Xhelil is gathering and discussing with the secretaries of the Party committees of the districts regarding the election campaign, but from what I noticed in 2-3 meetings I had, there are somewhat old-fashioned views; they still think as in the past, there is no concrete analysis of the situations with a more progressive eye. My gut tells me that these difficulties are not overcome so easily and are not without consequences, which will also be reflected in the elections we will have.
Well, these are the things I had to say. I have rather given an overview of the situation as I see it. I think this situation requires a great mobilization of the Party. We have 150,000 people in the Party. And if 20-25 thousand people leave, it’s no great catastrophe. It’s good if they don’t leave, but if they do leave, it doesn’t matter, as long as we have a strong core of communists. Even if we have 100,000 communists, but truly genuine communists, we will overcome all these situations. The difficulties are not such that we cannot overcome them. Let’s take a short break.
(After the break)
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: What opinions do the comrades have?
COMRADE ADIL ÇARÇANI: You, Comrade Ramiz, have given a complete analysis of the current situation, which will certainly deepen further, because I think now is not the time, as we are in the pre-election phase. Urgent is the situation that arose for us these past two days in several coastal cities, with the gatherings and mass departures of people to Italy, using seized maritime vessels. This situation came as a surprise to us.
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: It was unexpected.
COMRADE ADIL ÇARÇANI: It started in Durrës with those acts of vandalism there, and then continued with mass gatherings of people trying to leave the country. I think this is synchronized and directed from a center abroad and within the country, because it happened to us in several points like Vlorë, Durrës, etc. In fact, I was told about gatherings in Seman as well, where they were supposedly waiting for a ferry.
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: There were gatherings also in Shëngjin, in Vrakë of Shkodër, and in other points. So, this is a prepared scenario. Such scenarios will continue further on. This is a major political struggle. I think we must overcome this current situation. That is our immediate task.
COMRADE ADIL ÇARÇANI:The events that occurred with the toppling of Comrade Enver’s monument were very serious, but they also had a positive side: that of raising the opinion, the courage of the Party and the communists. It appears the enemy has these prepared to disrupt the elections, to keep the situation destabilized.
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: We are unable to do anything, because we do not have power bodies supported by law. Both the Government and the Presidency we created until the elections are actually functioning, but they have no legal backing. The citizen has the right and even to disobey, because we factually have no law to punish them.
COMRADE SPIRO DEDE: It’s good that the citizens don’t know this.
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: They are guided by the respect they have for them.
COMRADE ADIL ÇARÇANI: The priority is the economy.
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: That is where life is.
COMRADE ADIL ÇARÇANI: As far as I learned, 14 thousand tons of sugar was on the ship that was not unloaded in Durrës. With this amount of sugar, the supply to the people would have been maintained until the end of April.
COMRADE PALI MISKA: Sugar is not a problem; they’ll bring it down again.
COMRADE ADIL ÇARÇANI: It’s not just sugar, but also 10 thousand tires, with which transport needs for the entire second quarter are met. There is wheat, etc. I mean to say that the enemies have found a neuralgic point in the economy, such as the ports, to paralyze the entire economy.
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: From what happened with the ships in Durrës and Vlorë, other vessels are afraid to come.
COMRADE ADIL ÇARÇANI: The crew of the Chinese vessel with the tires had said they would go and unload in Piraeus. It was a good thing that the measure was taken to declare the port of Durrës a military zone. A military regime must be established there from the Dajlan Bridge, surrounding it with barbed wire on all paths through which one can enter. There is also the issue of the workers who will work inside there.
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: They will be placed under the army’s command.
COMRADE ADIL ÇARÇANI: I think the Letter addressed to the Party’s base organizations needs to be worked on further, as it deals with the problems somewhat generally. Therefore, it could be held back for 2-3 days, in order to say something about this latest event as well. Of course, public opinion will also be clarified through the press, since something will be given there as well, as much as will be given, but I think this issue should also be addressed in the Letter.
COMRADE HEKURAN ISAI: The situation is quite aggravated. With the events that occurred recently, the Party, together with all its other structures, has the forces to cope with them. The problem, I think, is primarily political. We, as the Central Committee, the Politburo, the Government, took a number of measures, which we collegially considered correct, but, as you yourself have said, Comrade Ramiz, the measures did not sufficiently “digest” the changes we made. I would say that what happened in “Skënderbej” Square with the toppling of Comrade Enver’s monument was a culmination of all the events that had occurred, but also the quick reaction of the people in rallies was a deep expression of love for Comrade Enver.
But, after the event, as you also said, a positive side was noted. Without this event, the Party, the power, the organs of the dictatorship, those of justice, the cadres would have continued to retreat. The danger would have been greater. The toppling of the monument was a great disaster, but it brought us all together and we understood the stance of the grassroots regarding these phenomena. Now we have the opportunity to go on the offensive ourselves, to win the votes. But if we continue to remain as we were before these events, again there is a risk of consequences.
From the opposition’s attacks, there was certain confusion, a certain retreat in all structures of our life, including in the Internal Affairs organs, which did their work with collaborators in the enemy’s ranks. The enemy came out openly, the collaborators were pulling back, which is why information may have been and has been weak. Consequently, we could not know the exact date when Comrade Enver’s monument would be attacked. This is a defect of the state security organs.
The cause of this situation, which will not be separated from us, lies with the existence of the Party of Labour of Albania. As long as the name communist, the word socialism is mentioned, it will always disturb us in this regard. The worries it has caused us, alongside the scenarios we all know, are all organized. Whose hand is it? It could be one, it could be two, and it could be many hands. Here we have the embassies, extremist liberal forces, etc.
Regarding the economic blockade, now it is complete, regardless of the entries and exits, the give-and-take with other countries. On one hand they say come on, we’ll give you food by ship, on the other hand they created this situation in our main ports. Effectively, we cannot get anything if this continues, because foreign ships are afraid to come to our ports, regardless of who the ship’s owner is. This is a way to obstruct us. If this situation lasts too long (with ships being afraid to come to us), it will be enough to create a catastrophe.
COMRADE ADIL ÇARÇANI: A part of the goods comes by land and rail.
COMRADE HEKURAN ISAI:Yes, but, routes must be found, that’s what I’m saying. Regarding the economic situation, for reasons that are known, people are worried, because supply shortages are not only in Tirana, but also in other districts. Young people who are unemployed seek to vent their frustration, because so far they have no perspective for finding a job. In Tirana alone there are about 6-7 thousand such people. Effectively, we have a good part of the urban youth against us because of their behavior. They are not people without culture, they are not illiterate, they come from good families, but they are so irritated that you cannot reason with them. The issue here is not just finding the flaw, but what we as a Party must do.
The situation that has arisen now, I think, is favorable for us to go out and meet the people. And if necessary, we should also make self-criticism. When you made self-criticism for some of the shortcomings we have, why shouldn’t the rest of us do it? We continue not to come out. The Party’s Central Committee meets and the comrades chat among themselves. Here the opposition gains ground; they, with a rather limited number of people, are wandering to all four corners of the country and are doing work. /Memorie.al
To be continued in the next issue
