By DASHNOR KALOÇI
Second part
Memorie.al / About 20 and some years ago, in one of our conversations with the researcher and renowned historian Sherif Delvina (“Teacher of the People”), together with his two close friends, Professor Luan Malltezi and Gani Demiri Ratkoceri (“Teacher of the People”, originally from Kosovo, who came to Albania as a political emigrant in 1961, a former prisoner in the camps and political prisons of Enver Hoxha), Sherifi, who had spent most of his life more in the state archives and the National Library, used to tell us that: “Enver Hoxha, not only never wanted Kosovo to have the status of a Republic within the framework of the Yugoslav Federation, but he fought with all means for that thing not to become reality”! Explaining to us that; in the event that Kosovo enjoyed the status of a Republic, just like the other six republics, Kosovo would receive great attention and would be known much more in the international arena, thus eclipsing communist Albania led by Enver Hoxha, which would be relegated to a second plan as a state. Starting from this, the “support” that Albania and Enver Hoxha gave to Kosovo after the demonstrations of March 1981, for Kosovo to be given the status of a Republic, was simply for public consumption.
To our request, (to Professor Luan Malltezi and Gani Ratkoceri), that we develop an interview in “Gazeta Shqiptare” (where at that time I covered the historical dossier column), where he would explain to us publicly in more expanded form what he was telling us, Sherifi categorically refused, telling us that: “What I am telling you, I have heard them and I still have not found the archival documents in the Central State Archive, or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but I assure you, that these documents are there and if you find them one day, you will give me the right.
I cannot speak without documents”!
Certainly we did not bother him further for him to tell them to us publicly in the press, since Sherifi was firm and we knew his nature well. Sherifi used to tell us many events and stories of various kinds, mainly about Enver Hoxha, whom he had known since he was a child, (in the period of the War, 1939-1944), when he used to go to the house of his uncle, Esat Dishnica, where Enveri, as his very close and confidential friend, was often there for lunches and dinners.
Likewise, many of the events and stories related to Enver Hoxha, Sherifi knew from the former Prime Minister Ibrahim Bey Biçaku, (the uncle of Sherifi’s mother), or from his father, Neki Delvina, former member of the Supreme Court in the period of the Zog Monarchy and the first years after the War, who was sentenced to political imprisonment. All these events and stories, Sherifi “took with him”, and never agreed to make them public in the media, even though his close friend, Professor Luan Malltezi, (or the author of these lines), would beg him from time to time, that they should be published in the press, since they had public interest!
But, returning to the main topic of this writing, we emphasize that the researcher and renowned historian Sherif Delvina, was completely right about what he was telling us, namely: that Enver Hoxha never wanted Kosovo to win the status of a Republic, which is made known from several archival documents recently extracted from the Central State Archive, (the fund of the former Central Committee of the PPSH), with the classification “Top secret” (now declassified), which belong to the year 1970, where there is also a record of the meeting of Enver Hoxha with the diplomat Lik Seiti, the Chargé d’Affaires of the People’s Republic of Albania in Belgrade.
In all these documents, where for the first time light is shed and it is made officially known what for years has been spoken orally about the occult connections of Enver Hoxha with Josip Broz Tito, (the messages they sent to each other through Fadil Hoxha) as well as the said record, it is written in black and white, that; Enver Hoxha never wanted Kosovo to have the status of a Republic, he even made all efforts as much as he could, for that thing never to happen. Regarding this, etc., the said documents inform us, which are published for the first time and in full (along with the respective facsimiles), by Memorie.al
Continues from the previous issue
THE ARCHIVAL DOCUMENT WITH THE RECORD OF THE MEETING OF ENVER HOXHA WITH LIK SEITI, THE CHARGÉ D’AFFAIRES OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA IN BELGRADE
THE MEETING OF THE FIRST SECRETARY OF THE CC OF THE PPSH, COMRADE ENVER HOXHA, WITH THE CHARGÉ D’AFFAIRES OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA IN YUGOSLAVIA, LIK SEITI, IN TIRANA, ON DATE 19.9.1970
COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: Likewise, your opinion is correct that work should be done for the strengthening of Kosovo’s autonomy. Full autonomy, just as you also said, means securing full rights: in power, in the economy, in education and culture, in the preparation of cadres of all sectors, including officers for the army, for the State Security, etc. And this not only aligns with the correct national policy, as we understand it, but also because Kosovo is a large national entity, recognized by the Yugoslav constitution itself.
Therefore, to demand full autonomy and full rights for Kosovo, within the framework of the Federation, is not anti-Serb, nor anti-Yugoslav. With this demand, on the contrary, only the Serbian chauvinists are fought, who have fought and fight to limit and deny the rights of Kosovo, because they want to have it under their absolute administration, so that they can dictate, according to their chauvinist interests, the entire political, economic and social development of Kosovo.
Regarding our cooperation with you, we will develop this within the framework of the Yugoslav Federation. But we tell you openly: in these relations, we give preference to relations with you, with Kosovo. We are disposed to help Kosovo in all directions, especially regarding the development of education, the preparation of cadres, the textbooks you need, whether for the university, or for other schools.
Experience can be exchanged between cadres of different sectors, cadres can be exchanged to hold lecture cycles, etc. Also, the Kosovar brothers can come to us, for visits and to see, in various forms.
Comrade Enver instructed me to tell you, comrade Fadil that from our side there is no obstacle. Even we will be pleased to fulfill all your requests. The People’s Republic of Albania, comrade Enver told me, has obligations towards the brothers of Kosovo. But it is important and this also depends on you, on your support that as many Kosovars and students come to Albania, just tries for them to be good people and to serve you as much as possible in the future.
Generally, regarding relations with the Yugoslav Federation, you must understand us correctly. You have your policy and your stance towards the Federation, we have ours. To speak openly: History proved that from Tito’s Yugoslavia, a savage policy was pursued against our country, so much so that now even the Yugoslav leadership itself officially acknowledges it. You, who have suffered on your backs what Ranković did, have understood the anti-Albanian policy that was followed in Kosovo, you understand how right our stances have been and are towards the Yugoslav leadership.
You may have your viewpoint, but for us Tito is anti-Marxist. Nevertheless, we tell you that, in these conjunctures, you are not doing wrong to rely on Tito, because it somewhat eased your sufferings. But this stance of Tito towards Kosovo, according to our viewpoint, is not dictated by love, it is dictated by the circumstances that were created, in which the question is posed: either to have you as enemies, or to have you as friends. To make you his enemies is dangerous for him. Therefore, he wants to have you as friends, a thing which also has importance in Tito’s war against the Rankovićists.
In this conjuncture, there are problems of general interest, regarding which our stances are positive. In these stances, we are guided by the principles of Marxism-Leninism, by the interests of the People’s Republic of Albania, by the interests of the Albanians of Kosovo, as well as by the interests of the peoples of Yugoslavia and of other peoples.
Therefore, when we see that in concrete conjunctures the peoples of Yugoslavia and Albania are endangered, we support the war of the peoples of Yugoslavia for the defense of their country. Even the Yugoslav leadership sees these conjunctures and, in accordance with them, seeks that relations with the People’s Republic of Albania be developed with momentum. This is its interest, but it also has the worry to show that socialist Albania changed its line and color, that Titoism was right in its stances. We tell you that this satisfaction and political capital we do not give to the Titoists.
We tell you as our comrade and brother, that our relations with the Yugoslav Federation will continue to improve on the state level. We are even studying the issue of exchanging ambassadors. But the Yugoslav leadership must know that it has done many evils towards the People’s Republic of Albania and many of its stances must publicly condemn them, so that the road can be somewhat cleared of the obstacles that it itself has created for years in a row.
We understand your difficulties, comrade Fadil, just as we also know the waves through which you have passed, as well as your resistance. This is an honor for you and for the Albanians of Kosovo. We also correctly understand your stances in the various conjunctures.
Be convinced that every Marxist-Leninist stance of the People’s Republic of Albania, as up to now and in the future, will always take into account the interests of the People’s Republic of Albania and the interests of our Albanian brothers of Kosovo, strengthening friendship with the peoples of Yugoslavia on the Marxist-Leninist path.”
How you see all these issues, you will tell them to Fadil. And, what do you think now? Should we give him this answer or not? Then can we tell him like this? Is it good? Is it soft or strong, meaning is it necessary to soften it a bit more, or to strengthen it further? Tell us your opinion, is this a political answer or a sectarian one, or is it liberal? How does it seem to you then, since we have you as an expert on Yugoslav problems?
COMRADE LIK SEITI: … (After thinking for a while); It seems to me a complete answer.
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: How do you judge, what will be the reaction from his side?
COMRADE LIK SEITI: In the part where we speak about Tito, I think he will definitely react.
COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: Regarding this issue, in the answer it is said that you have your opinion about Tito, we have ours.
COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: We tell him to rely on Tito, because with some measures he has taken, he has now somewhat eased the situation of the Kosovars and with this we tell Fadil that we are simultaneously realistic, but on the other hand we make it clear to him that Tito has not taken these measures out of love for the Kosovars, but out of necessity.
Why did he not act like this even yesterday? Then Tito was fully in agreement with Ranković, therefore the stick was worked over the Kosovar people, whereas today other conjunctures were created, therefore he changed his stances towards the Kosovars.
COMRADE LIK SEITI: This text I think is clear, complete, therefore we cannot respond differently.
COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: Then, at the end of the day, when we speak about Tito, we also take into account his perspective. We have heard that Fadil was against Ranković, that he had targeted him, but we know that Tito was with Ranković. This should be seen a little. Nevertheless, we take it for granted that Fadil cannot remain without reacting about Tito.
When he receives our assessment of him, he may express that he does not agree with us on this issue. If he does not do this, it will mean that he is fully in agreement with us, but we know very well that he is not like that. Even if he thinks like us, he will still say that he does not agree with our answer and will repeat that Tito is a “Marxist”.
In both cases, even if he is anti-Titoist, he cannot tell this to you. Such a thing, that he is against Tito, he can only say in the case that he is very sure that his viewpoint will reach Enver’s ears directly. But we know that Fadil is not like that. Being a Titoist, he thinks that in the past Tito did not know anything at all about what was happening, whereas we have it clear that even then he was all-powerful, so he did not let Ranković do as he wanted.
In himself, Fadil may say this, but with reason he may also say that the Albanians are right when they say what will happen in Yugoslavia when Tito dies. Nevertheless, even being a Titoist, Fadil is an Albanian nationalist, he does not swallow Nikezić, because he is a Serb, therefore he cannot fail to think about what path he will choose when Tito dies, will he go to Nikezić to fight against the People’s Republic of Albania, or will he choose another path. Fadil says that he does not fight against Albania and in this stance he is led by his Albanian nationalist feelings.
We do not know how events will develop after Tito’s death, but I think that taking him as a nationalist, it will be difficult for Fadil to side with the Serbs. If Ranković takes power later, even Fadil could side with him like Xhavit Nimani, because the people want him, but in the past Ranković has persecuted him.
It is possible therefore that personally Fadil may not walk this path. It is different with the others, who after Tito’s death may create a chauvinist unity, so to speak Serbo-Albanian against the People’s Republic of Albania and Fadil would then find himself again in the minority, in the same positions in which he found himself even when Ranković was previously in power.
Now how much judgment this man has, what political capacity he has, how his circle that supports him is, these we do not have clear. We only know what he has confidence in Tito, for the reason that he is now supporting the Kosovars, but on the other hand Fadil cannot fail to think about the future, about bad times, for which he must take positions now, but what goes through his mind he perhaps cannot tell everyone. So what this man is, we do not know.
COMRADE LIK SEITI: Also one other thing remained unclear to us in the meeting I had with Fadil, that which he said that now in Kosovo a lot of cadres have been prepared whom the people love. But who are they and why did he raise this issue, this remained only as such; it was not clarified who these cadres are.
COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: Naturally these he cannot tell you by name. Nor should you enter the path of Security investigations, trying to learn from him who this or that one is who is with Fadil Hoxha. With this he wanted to tell you to inform Enver that we are not alone, but we also have comrades. So he speaks with you as a politician, he also poses as a patriot, but the people who are close to me it is not necessary to tell who they are, only to make it known that we have created here a fund of cadres who enjoy the sympathy of the people. / Memorie.al
Continues in the next issue
