Part Eighteen
Memorie.al / The CIA have demonstrated the major role played by the Soviet Union in communist Albania. Several “Top Secret” documents, which have been declassified for years, show that the USSR constructed several key military bases, particularly in the south of the country. They detail Moscow’s submarines stationed on Sazan Island and in the Bay of Vlora, as well as airbases such as those in Rinas, Kuçova, etc. Furthermore, an overview of political developments is provided, mentioning the dismissal of Minister of Defense Beqir Balluku in the summer of 1974 from all functions in both the army and the party. Likewise, a special place in the documents declassified by the CIA is dedicated to Albanian political emigrants in Yugoslavia, who were integrated into the Prizren Committee – initially headed by Apostol Tanefi – and operated under pressure from the UDB, which recruited them through coercive measures, such as forced return to Albania, etc.
To be continued from the last issue
July 1975
Rejection of Openness toward the Soviets
Tirana has forcefully reiterated its indifference toward Soviet interest in diplomatic rapprochement. In an authoritative editorial published in the daily Zëri i Popullit, it not only expressed its indifference toward the USSR but also warned any member of the leadership who might favor improving relations. In its commentary, laden with political fervor, Tirana stated that the enticements or pressure from the Soviet Union and its satellites would not alter its anti-Soviet stance.
The article claimed that the Albanian people were determined to make “every sacrifice, as we have in the past, to preserve freedom and independence,” including relying on their own resources to boost economic development. The timing of this commentary’s publication is noteworthy, coming amidst Moscow’s attempts to normalize relations and signaling internal challenges to Enver Hoxha’s leadership. The article warns pro-Soviet colleagues not to harbor hopes for cooperation with Moscow, or otherwise face the consequences.
The article notes that suggested foreign credit policies would not cure economic problems. Former Defense Minister Beqir Balluku was removed from his post in July 1974 for favoring such positions. The commentary was issued on the eve of the Helsinki Summit, offering a justification for Tirana’s absence from European security talks. Albania had previously described these talks as a “comic demonstration by the superpowers” and seized the opportunity to disparage the secret diplomacy of countries that “auction off” national interests.
Intelligence Report
November 1978
Key Points: Since publicly acknowledging the termination of Chinese assistance in July, Albania has embarked on a foreign policy of isolation, refraining from rapprochement with its two primary ideological enemies, China and the USSR. It has also shown no signs of softening its hostility toward the United States. However, Tirana has intensified efforts initiated last year to expand economic ties with selected countries, from both the East and the West.
So far, Albania has shown that it cannot find a sponsor capable of providing the level of support previously offered by China. Albania faces a significant decline in its economic growth unless it opens itself to foreign credit, which would require the government to lift the constitutional ban on foreign borrowing.
Consequences of the Break with China
Albania, as a small country with scarce resources, will always be dependent on foreign trade or assistance for economic development. During two decades of alliance with China, Tirana relied almost entirely on Beijing for economic, technological, and military assistance; therefore, the consequences of the split will be severe and have already begun to manifest.
We have seen no evidence that the Hoxha regime has sought new strategies for sources of assistance, but it appears determined to pursue, at least for now, a policy of gradually increasing ties with other countries. This approach is unlikely to provide Albanians with the support and industrial supplies necessary to avert disruptions in industrial production or an economic downturn.
Even if the country faces economic hardships, popular unrest is unlikely as long as basic consumer needs are met. Hoxha maintains one of the most repressive regimes in the world, and although some Albanians harbor doubts about his self-reliance policies, there is no evidence of serious challenges to his authority. Hoxha publicly justified his current policies in a speech in which he drew a distinction between “different social regimes” that display a progressive attitude toward Albania and those that do not.
He expressed a willingness to maintain relations with the former, while emphasizing that Albania would not deny political or ideological differences with these regimes. Hoxha also took the opportunity to reiterate Albania’s hostility toward the US, the USSR, and China, pledging that Tirana would continue the fight against American imperialism and the social-imperialism of China and the USSR, thereby ruling out any possibility of rapprochement with them in the near future.
Despite Albania’s public rejections, Moscow and its Warsaw Pact allies continue low-level efforts to entice the Albanians. Bulgaria, which is leading the charm offensive, has recently published several articles depicting Albania in a positive light. Official Sofia has signaled to Tirana its desire for good relations and cooperation.
The USSR is further ahead than its East European allies in courting Albania, but it is aware that Tirana will not accept closer ties as long as Hoxha remains in power. The Albanian leader has given no indication that he will soften his suspicious stance toward the Soviets and Eastern Europeans. Nevertheless, Moscow may consider bringing Albania back into the fold during the post-Hoxha era as progress.
Yugoslavia, which seeks at all costs to prevent Albania from re-entering the Soviet orbit, has expressed a willingness to improve bilateral ties. These overtures have met with no open opposition from Tirana, although no significant developments have occurred so far, nor are any expected in the short term.
Ties with Other Countries
Some of Tirana’s most ambitious attempts to develop trade ties, and perhaps secure financial or technical assistance, have been directed toward India, Algeria, and Japan. A visit to India by a low-level delegation in August sparked speculation that Tirana is seeking to replace China with India. Indian media reported that Albania was seeking assistance from India to complete a long list of projects abandoned by China and anticipated the possibility of Tirana opening a diplomatic mission in Delhi.
We have seen no evidence that Albania is seeking major economic and technical assistance, but we believe that by reaching out to India, as with several other countries, it aims to diversify its external trade relations while attempting to avoid dependence on a single partner. Albania is also seeking to expand relations with Algeria. Following the signing of a two-year trade agreement in April, Tirana sent a high-level delegation to Algiers in September, led by the Minister of Trade.
Albania is also expanding its ties with Japan. A Japanese trade delegation visited Tirana in August and expressed interest in exploring the Albanian market on behalf of Japanese companies, which, like others, are seeking to purchase Albanian chromium or its concentrates. If Albania seeks to establish diplomatic relations with Tokyo, the latter will likely accept.
Moves in Western Europe
Albania has attempted to expand trade ties with several Western European countries—primarily Italy, Greece, and France—but these nations have made no direct commitments. The lack of response from these countries has prompted expressions of frustration from some officials, including the Albanian Foreign Minister. Nevertheless, Albania’s relations with these countries have improved compared to a year ago, particularly those with Greece.
In addition to efforts to establish contacts in Western Europe, Albania is exploring trade opportunities in Latin America. To date, none of Albania’s advances have yielded sufficient benefits to sustain its current level of industrial development.
October 1983
American Media, “Foreign Insight”, April 1985
The Albanian diplomat responded coldly to press inquiries regarding attendance at the funeral of Enver Hoxha, the country’s leader for the past 41 years. “It is not in our protocol to invite Western journalists to such events,” he said.
When asked whether a foreign delegation would be allowed to accompany visitors into the country, he replied: “There will be no invitations for leaders, either from the East or the West.” Thus, Hoxha’s burial will be as isolated from Western curiosity as was his unprecedented communist regime in the Adriatic coastal nation, squeezed between Greece and Yugoslavia.
The underdeveloped nation of 2.8 million inhabitants represented the purest political form of Stalinism, rejecting every camp – East, West, neutrals, and non-aligned alike. The question is when Albania will emerge from its shell, as it has begun establishing or improving ties with several Western countries for economic reasons. Among them are ties with Austria, Italy, and West Germany.
The new leader, Ramiz Alia, remains dedicated to Hoxha’s hostile policy toward the superpowers, and analysts do not expect dramatic changes. Diplomats state that the West must pay attention to Albania to prevent any lure toward the Soviet Union that might allow the USSR to use Albanian ports. Even worse for the West would be its return to the Warsaw Pact, which it officially abandoned in 1968 following the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia.
Yugoslavia is concerned about Albania’s rapprochement with the Soviets due to its own Albanian minority in Kosovo, where Soviet influence would aggravate matters. Italy is likewise concerned by its geographical proximity to Albania across the Adriatic, as Russian missiles deployed in Albania would easily be within strike range. The claimant to the royal throne of Albania, Leka I, son of King Zog, is also concerned.
He appeared in Paris following Hoxha’s death, warning against the threat of Soviet expansion and calling on Albanian nationalists to unite “to create a free nation.” Albanian diplomats in the West show no signs of rapprochement with Moscow and insist that such concerns are wasted energy. Albania has repeatedly rejected the Kremlin’s friendly overtures following the split, viewing it as the center of “social-imperialism,” just as it views the US as the center of “simple imperialism.”
There remains a constant risk that factions previously hit by purges might seek rapprochement with Moscow, but most Western analysts believe Moscow no longer possesses the leverage to challenge the West there. Albanians consider themselves steadfast, stoic individuals rather than isolationists, maintaining that the decisions to align with Stalin, and later to break with his successors and the Warsaw Pact, were purely moral stances.
Thus, Albanian officials explain that they reasoned similarly when befriending Mao Zedong and subsequently severing ties with China when it began turning friendly toward the West, despite receiving more than 800 million dollars in aid from Beijing over approximately 17 years. Yet behind these idealistic positions, Eastern European radicals are opening their eyes and realizing that they have fallen decades behind economically. When Albanian diplomats are asked why private automobiles are banned, they reply that it keeps the air cleaner and encourages more people to ride bicycles.
When warned that they will suffer from a lack of investment, they claim to be fortunate not to bear the burden of foreign debt. Indeed, the Constitution explicitly bans loans from capitalist or “bourgeois and revisionist” states. Albania also bans political opposition, foreign travel, and religious practices. It is self-sufficient in energy, has no taxes, and experiences no inflation.
The government also bans blue jeans, drugs, chewing gum, and premarital sex. Ramiz Alia, Hoxha’s 59-year-old successor, appears somewhat more pragmatic, but he long remained loyal to the dictator within a system that ruthlessly eliminated rivals. Rumors suggest that former Prime Minister Shehu, accused of collaborating with foreign intelligence agencies, was killed by Hoxha himself. Initially, officials claimed it was a suicide, but the press now acknowledges he was eliminated.
Diplomats say Hoxha had been ill for some time, and Alia had begun implementing certain policies of openness with Hoxha’s approval. One noticeable change was that Albania stopped referring to China as “revisionist,” driven by the need for spare parts for Chinese equipment and industrial projects built before the trade break with Beijing. / Memorie.al
