Part Thirty-Two
Memorie.al / CIA have revealed the significant role that the Soviet Union played in communist Albania. In several “Top Secret” documents, which have been declassified for years, it is shown that the USSR built several important military bases, especially in the south of the country. Details are provided regarding the submarines Moscow maintained on Sazan Island and in the Gulf of Vlora, as well as air bases such as those in Rinas, Kuçova, etc. Furthermore, an overview of political developments is given, mentioning the dismissal of Defense Minister Beqir Balluku in the summer of 1974 from all functions in the army and the party. Likewise, a special place in the documents declassified by the CIA is given to Albanian political emigrants in Yugoslavia, who were organized within the Prizren Committee, initially led by Apostol Tanefi, and under pressure from the UDB, which recruited them through coercive measures, such as forced return to Albania, etc.
Continued from the previous issue
In many cases, judges meet with the Party Secretary before delivering verdicts on important cases. Aside from murder and crimes against the state, there are other crimes punishable by death, such as the distribution of leaflets, severe damage to state property, cabotage, robbery, or misappropriation of state property ranging from 80,000 to 100,000 ALL. Military courts are composed of armed forces officials and adjudicate cases such as treason, cabotage, and crimes against the state.
These courts are established only in major cities. The heads of the military courts are Mustafa Iliazi in Tirana, Perlat Caga in Gjirokastër, Islam Blushi in Kruja, and Miço Gramatikos in Saranda. Following the establishment of the communist regime, all old laws were replaced. The new Penal Code is based on the Soviet model and is administered according to party orders and decrees. Laws are occasionally modified in accordance with changes in the Soviet code, and law students are regularly sent to the USSR to learn Soviet methods.
March 1952
“Zëri i Popullit”: Propaganda Work in Lushnje
The party organization in Lushnje held a meeting to analyze propaganda work and methods for its improvement. It was highlighted that officials had failed to take the necessary measures for the success of propaganda efforts. In his speech, Comrade Apostol Vezuli, second secretary of the party, stated that not only he but also the first secretary had failed to give proper importance to the issue of propaganda and ideological work. The primary weaknesses of the educational system and party bodies in Lushnje have long been a lack of discipline.
Party secretary Mihal Bisha admitted in his speech that discipline had been poor and attendance at instruction courses low. He stated that party members had failed to attend courses regularly in the Golem and Imeshta areas, and that officials had not properly organized study courses. Disciplinary deficiencies were reported in both political schools and party educational courses, involving both students and propagandists. During the meeting, propagandists Raqi Daka and Hysen Shefkiu, among others, were criticized.
Qemal Staka, party secretary of the village of Çerme, said: “Raqi Daka has failed the educational school four consecutive times; therefore, he does not deserve to be called a propagandist. He fears criticism and always attempts to change the subject when someone tries to criticize him.” During the meeting, it was emphasized that the propagandist must be a central figure in the party’s educational system. His duty is to indoctrinate party ranks with the ideals of Marxism-Leninism. However, he cannot fulfill this role if the party overburdens him with additional, auxiliary tasks.
In his discussion, Petro Çuli, party secretary of the Këmishtaj cooperative, criticized the Party Committee for tasking propagandist Sotir Koçi with several minor, irrelevant functions. As a result, the party’s political school had lost its effectiveness. Propaganda work requires extensive preparation; therefore, other duties must be avoided. Comrade Gori Naço, agitation/propaganda instructor, criticized Feim Demi, propagandist at the Savra cooperative political school, who was still preparing his lesson while students were waiting for class to begin.
Criticisms were also leveled against party organizations in Karbunarë, Stan-Karbunarë, and Qerret i Ri for their lack of interest in the party’s political school. Party education had failed to focus attention on the struggle against kulaks. This shortcoming was reflected in the remarks of Secretary Pirre, who stated, “In our village, there are no kulaks.” However, such an assertion demonstrates how ineffective the party’s propaganda work has been in the Lushnje district.
The CIA has declared that Enver Hoxha, during his first 10 years in power, imprisoned more than 10 percent of the population. Two declassified documents provide an overview of the political situation, illustrating how power was maintained by force. Meanwhile, it is noted that in 1974, the regime was gripped by paranoia regarding the USSR, and many people were finding shelter in bunkers.
April 1955
Anti-Communist Resistance Potential
Popular dissent in Albania stems from political, social, cultural, religious, and economic causes. The communist regime’s barbaric efforts to extinguish individual rights, such as the patriarchal family structure, village autonomy, and religious belief, are among the most hated by the masses. For centuries, resisting central authority has been a tradition in Albania. Local patriotism, pride, and acute individualism have combined to foster opposition to all authorities, both foreign and domestic.
This trait is most pronounced in the northern mountainous regions inhabited by the Ghegs, who had little contact with the modern world until World War I. Conversely, the southern Tosk tribes were more open and in closer contact with new ideas and techniques. Furthermore, Tosk intellectuals were the first to take an interest in Marxism. On the other hand, the current communist regime is also identified with the hated Yugoslavs. Albanians have hated the Slavs since the time they forced them into the Adriatic mountainous regions.
The massacres of Albanians by Serbs during the Balkan Wars in 1912 exacerbated this resentment. Therefore, communism, particularly for the Ghegs, carries the weakness of its association with the Slavs, who were effectively the creators of the Albanian Communist Party during the war in 1941, guiding it until 1948 when Tito defected from the Soviet bloc and Albanian leader Hoxha aligned the country with Moscow. Another broad basis for dissent in Albania is communism’s interference with the country’s cultural heritage. Following Albania’s independence in 1912, several French, English, and Italian schools were opened, allowing young Albanians to attend Western universities.
Meanwhile, the communist regime is attempting to forcibly impose a Soviet cultural and economic orientation, despite opposition from Albanian intellectuals. The regime appears incapable of altering this situation and often accuses teachers of bourgeois behavior and a low ideological level. The communist crusade against religion has likewise fueled popular discontent, not only through interference in matters of faith, but also because religious faith is considered part of the cultural heritage.
Religious groups in Albania (Muslim, Catholic, and Orthodox groups), which played a significant role in cultural development, have now been brought under state control. Current standards of living are another driver of dissent. Generally, they have always been low, but the contrast between pre-communist and communist eras is stark enough to provoke anger, as seen with work norms and compulsory peasant loans.
Main Elements of Dissent
Dissent against the regime is visible across all classes of the population, with the exception of the government bureaucracy, the military, and national and regional leaders of the Communist Party. Even within party ranks, individuals realize that no one truly benefits from the communist regime. The suppression of elements considered incorrigible and their internment in forced labor camps has worsened in recent years, heightening resentment toward the government.
After 10 years of communist rule, at least 10 percent of the population is in prisons, concentration camps, and forced labor camps. Annual amnesties for prisoners have not reduced their numbers, meaning that “new enemies of the people” continuously replace those released. The peasantry constitutes the majority of the country’s population and also represents the most active anti-communist element.
The main reasons for peasant dissatisfaction are oppressive taxes, mandatory food delivery quotas, compulsory state loans, pressure toward collectivization, and police terror. Chiefly due to peasant opposition, only 16 percent of arable land has been collectivized so far. Poor and landless peasants in the central and southern regions initially benefited from the land reform of 1945–1946, but disillusionment was swift. Individualistic peasants, proud of their past, remain indifferent to communist ideology.
Their antagonism is one of the reasons for the low reliability of the armed forces and the industrial workforce, a significant portion of who originate from the peasantry. Albanian youth, from both rural and urban areas, traditionally joined liberation movements during the German and Italian occupations, whereas the communists, masking themselves as the country’s liberators, managed to entice a portion of the youth.
However, since the 1950s, communist propaganda has lost its influence due to economic inequality, voluntary labor, poor economic conditions, and the imposition of foreign Soviet ideology. The Albanian army cannot be considered reliable by the regime, and its units have never been deployed to eliminate guerrilla movements.
For such tasks, only the fanatical Sigurimi (State Security) police have been utilized, consisting of soldiers and officers who rose to responsibility during the partisan war. These groups are supported by an extensive network of informers stationed in every village, who serve as a pillar of security for Albanian state power and have prevented anti-communist groups from overthrowing the Tirana government by force.
Intellectuals and the clergy represent a significant portion of the resistance against the regime. They were also part of the liberation struggle and aided communism’s rise to power. Balli Kombëtar is the strongest anti-communist group, formed during the war by democratic elements.
Many of their intellectuals fled the country, were imprisoned, or executed after the communists came to power. Meanwhile, the clergy, particularly the Catholic clergy, rejected the regime, unlike Muslim and Orthodox leaders who submitted to the regime and adhered to its line.
Strength of the Resistance
There is evidence that Albanians have not lost hope for a possible liberation, as isolated acts of open resistance continue to be reported. However, increased terror and police brutality have reduced active resistance in recent years. Overall, the Sigurimi has been successful in detecting and destroying guerrillas, who remain scattered, uncoordinated, and operating primarily in remote mountainous areas.
Escapes to Greece and Yugoslavia, alongside passive resistance, remain the surviving forms of opposition to the regime. Despite police surveillance, passive resistance in agriculture and industry manifests as obstruction of Soviet technicians’ work, damage to machinery, sabotage of product quality, and failure to meet work norms.
The situation in Albania differs from that in other Soviet satellite nations, as the primary resistance is conducted by emigrant groups in Greece, Yugoslavia, and Italy. There are four main emigrant groups in the West: “Balli Kombëtar,” the “Legality Movement” close to former King Zog, a group of non-partisan individuals, and the “Independent National Bloc” composed of former fascist collaborators.
The first three linked themselves with the “Free Albania” National Committee headquartered in the United States. The unification of these branches gave the resistance greater strength and the benefit of moral and financial support from Western powers. However, in 1953, when the “Independent National Bloc” and several other individuals joined the Committee, some left-wing members of “Balli Kombëtar” departed to form a separate party.
There have been contacts between resistance groups inside Albania and the Exile Committee, and most groups in southern Albania have identified themselves with the Committee. Despite personal and political friction among emigrant members, they appear better organized than those from other Soviet satellite countries.
There is also the Yugoslav League of Albanian Refugees, which possesses the advantage of geographical proximity to Albania compared to other emigrant groups. The latter maintains contact with resistance elements through border crossings and likely exhibits the highest level of activity in Albania among Western-aligned groups. However, following the normalization of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet bloc, the group’s activities have been drastically reduced.
Resistance Potential
Isolated resistance groups continue to draw the attention of local security forces and cause sporadic damage in communications and transport. However, the regime’s security measures make the central or national-scale organization of guerrillas virtually impossible. These groups also suffer from shortages of arms and equipment and are expected to be gradually liquidated by the regime. Nonetheless, a widespread level of passive resistance continues to be manifested by the masses./ Memorie.al
Continued in the next issue
