Part Ten
Memorie.al / Enver Hoxha fought powerfully against the factions created within the Communist Party. The CIA has declassified details from the situation in the party, and the former dictator refused to allow any voice against him. On the other hand, the CIA has shown in detail the Congress of the Party of Labor in 1976. It states there that Enver Hoxha held a speech that lasted for 14 hours, in which he spoke about relations inside and outside the country. Another detail drawn from the CIA is that of when Lenka Çunko was selected as a candidate for the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Party of Labor of Albania. Likewise, the situation in the Army and the role that the party had there is shown.
Continues from the previous issue
December 1947
Communist tactics in the Balkans
The so-called National Liberation Movement, created in Yugoslavia during the war, was organized in Moscow according to Lenin’s plan, to help national liberation movements throughout the world. They seek the overthrow of the capitalist order in weak countries, in colonial and semi-colonial countries; with the approval of the Moscow government, Yugoslavia is considered a semi-colonial country.
To consolidate power in Yugoslavia, the communists must begin the sequestration of private enterprises through the trials of “collaborationists,” nationalizations, etc. In Albania the communist party did not have instructors trained in Moscow immediately after the war, because they could not be bothered with small matters. The Albanian government needed doctors, engineers, and other professionals, therefore in 1946 it seriously considered the reconciliation of Italian advisers, but Moscow decided to fill this space with Yugoslav technicians.
October 1950
Party organs in the army
The organizations of the communist party in the Albanian army are similar to the system of the civil organization of the party, with the only difference being that soldiers do not have the right to make criticisms during meetings or to control officers. From the Ministry of Popular Defense down to the smallest units, the army is entirely organized into party sections. The political directorate of the army exercises its influence through branches in divisions, regiments, and battalions.
The Directorate is directly connected to the Central Committee of the party. It is led by General Hysni Kapo and deputy director, Colonel Beqir Ndou. The Directorate has as its main branches the sub-directorate of Culture, of Agitation-propaganda, the sub-directorate of Youth, and the branches of Organization and Finance. The organization and all its branches are found in every division. They are led by the head of the Political Branch and by the commissar, who carries out the general supervision of the organization, down to the company level.
The political commissar is chosen from the most trusted people of the party and answers directly to the Political Directorate of the Army, led by General Hysni Kapo. The political section of the regiment consists of three sub-sections: the political office, the press and propaganda office, and the youth office. Besides the head of the political section, there is also a commissar, who depends on the commissar of the Division.
The duties of the regiment commissar are similar to those of the division commissar but on a smaller scale. While battalions do not have this organism, they have the Battalion Bureau. Further down at company level, political work is done only by the political instructor, who supervises the military squads through his trusted people. The role of political instructors in the army has to do with the development of the party’s political line, through propaganda among the soldiers.
These instructors have two hours a day available for training programs, while supervision is carried out in cooperation with the people of the Security, who add the dose of terror among individuals. The youth organization is led by the corresponding sections of the political offices, and works with soldiers aged 20 to 25, who must register in the communist youth organization, even if they are not party members.
May 1951
The food situation
According to information from elements of the Albanian anti-communist resistance in Rome, the food situation in Albania is becoming desperate, as a result of droughts and the government’s demands for wheat. Throughout the country the population is weakened and powerless; although people are nervous from the lack of food and clothing, they are powerless to act against the harsh measures the government is taking to preserve power.
Although there may be exaggerations in the reports of Albanian refugees, it is already known that the issue of collective agricultural farms has turned into a boomerang for Russian officials, since they must now send wheat to Albania, due to the significant drop in food production.
It is now reported that food is lacking even in the most productive areas of Albania and that no food is given to political internees. The grave food situation was perhaps the reason for the decision of March 13, 1951, to reduce the delivery quotas of agricultural products by 25 percent.
June 1951
The American Department of State has warned its ambassador in Belgrade that the recent creation of the Albanian Refugee Committee in Yugoslavia is in contradiction with the basic interests of the United States in this region.
The Department fears that such actions could bring direct conflict of interest between Yugoslavia and the USA, therefore Ambassador Allen has been instructed to make clear to the Yugoslav government that the activities of Albanian emigrants in the West, as well as those in Yugoslavia, could provoke direct moves of the Soviet Union against Yugoslavia, and the danger becomes even greater when such activities are sponsored by the Yugoslavs themselves.
The US government is concerned about the possibility that the creation of an organization of Albanians in emigration could increase tensions in the region. On June 12 a Yugoslav foreign ministry official repeated to Ambassador Allen the government’s concern regarding Western support of resistance activities in Albania, with the argument that resistance activities in Albania could give a justification for Bulgaria to intervene, according to the Albania-Bulgaria Pact of Mutual Assistance.
Yugoslav Interior Minister Ranković has begun a vacation trip in Europe. Ambassador Allen suggests that the minister was advised to make the trip by the Political Bureau, to become better acquainted with European and Western life. Since 1951, there have been many visits by high Yugoslav officials to Western countries, with the main objective of gathering support for their regime and promoting ties between communist Yugoslavia and Western socialism.
December 1956
The internal political situation
The army command of the Saranda district was transferred to Delvina in April 1956, together with the recruitment office. In January 1956, unknown persons broke into the food shop of the Cooperative in Lukova and took everything they found inside, including 50,000 lekë, which were in a box. The culprits are reported to have been discovered. In Gjermen it is reported that there are about 10 armed peasants, but also in Shalës.
Since the beginning of 1956, the hatred of the inhabitants of rural areas toward the regime has increased significantly, especially in the border areas, Saranda, Leskovik, and Erseka. This is because the government has canceled the ration cards for poor peasants, as well as the “reciprocal” shops, where peasants exchanged goods. The government campaign of collectivization puts an end to the sense of ownership, which is the heaviest blow for the peasants.
During the government campaign for forced collectivization, the following villages were declared enemies: Taç, Starje, Leshnje, Borov, Fratar, Varibob, Pacomit, Kuqar, Corogun, Potgoran. During the war these villages were bastions of the National Front. The villages of the Erseka area are situated at the foot of a mountain, the peak of which divides Greek territory from Albanian. The main grains cultivated here are wheat and corn, and the inhabitants also live by cutting wood, with which they make charcoal, or by renting out their work animals.
The villages of the Erseka area produce grains that last the population only for 8 months, therefore to meet other needs, they go to work as laborers in Korça, or rent out their animals. The villages of Nivica and Shënvasili produce enough food, such as wheat, corn, olives, tobacco, to sustain their population.
The villages of the Këlcyra area produce wheat, corn, and grapes, but the source says that the production supplies the local population only for about 7 months, therefore the inhabitants must perform other work. In the spring of 1956, the peasants of the Këlcyra area, after pressure from the authorities, joined the state cooperative, together with the villages of the Erseka area.
There were other villages that did not bow to the pressure of the authorities to join the Cooperative. After pressure from the communists, the inhabitants of the village Gjatë joined the cooperative, but in March 1956, they abandoned the cooperative after the leaders refused to distribute the production according to the number of family members, but did so according to the number of days worked by each family.
June 1966
The purges and internal rotations continue
The high leadership in Albania seems to be preparing the scene to eliminate another wave of factions within the party, which was evidenced last spring. Although the opposition elements have not yet been identified, leader Hoxha and Shehu in their recent speeches have referred to “hostile elements” within Albania and have signaled that some of them are guilty of “revisionism.”
Factionalism in Albania came to light for the first time at the beginning of the year, when the regime took steps to eliminate “bureaucratic excesses.” About 8,000 government employees are reported to have been assigned to work in agricultural and industrial brigades. In March Shehu announced that the state administration had been reduced by about 50 percent, in changes aimed at strengthening party control in central and local organs.
Then in his July 4 speech, Shehu warned again that “the remnants of the overthrown oppressing classes are acting to restore the capitalist order,” and added that the measures taken so far were only the beginning of a broad program of revolutionizing life in Albania. These comments suggest that changes in the administration will continue, but apparently the power is still not ready to move.
The national elections of July 10 returned to parliament all the high officials of the party and government. In a plenum of the Central Committee of the Party on July 12-13, it was announced that the fifth congress of the Party of Labor would be held in November. The congress was planned for the first half of 1966 and is now ready a year late. The postponements may be a signal of internal political problems, the resolution of which may come precisely in November.
A draft of the Congress directives published last week called for “merciless pursuit” and determined effort against internal enemies. The factions mentioned may be in the army structures, mainly from recent objections to the approach of Chinese communism, which is being applied in the army.
It is believed that the military are not satisfied with the recent decree on the removal of military ranks and symbols, and Albanian officers all seem dissatisfied with the return of political commissars in all military units. The government’s concern about dissatisfaction in the army is reflected in the replacements of the director and deputy director of the Political Directorate of the Army.
November 1976
The communist leader Hoxha held last week at the seventh congress of the party a speech in which the self-sufficient isolationist course of Albania was defined. But the serious economic problems of the country apparently are dictating numerous personnel changes and are also forcing the authorities to make careful trade contacts with the outside world.
At the national level the leadership of Hoxha and Shehu seems more secure than ever and the measure of the Political Bureau remains at 12 full members. The number of candidates for the Bureau has been increased to five and among them two are new faces. The new candidates are Lenka Çuko and Simon Stefani, who typify the new party leader with technical experience and proven administrative skills at the local level, as promoted by Hoxha over the years.
Stefani has strong economic experience. The new members in the Central Committee include new ministers, such as that of education and agriculture, who have participated in Hoxha’s efforts during recent years to introduce new figures into the party hierarchy. Hoxha’s speech was a 14-hour marathon, spread over two days of the congress.
There he energetically defended his leadership, appealing to deep nationalism among Albanians and arguing that Albania’s isolation protects the country from the invasion of enslaving foreign credits, from tourists, spies, and the decadent culture of degeneration. But in his statements he did not deny the possibility of trade ties with the West.
Acknowledging the important role played by China in Albania’s economic development, Hoxha nevertheless showed himself reserved and his comments indicated a certain insecurity in recent developments with Beijing. His comments on foreign policy included the expected denunciation of the policies of the United States and everything connected with them, and he raised high the advances in France-Albania relations.
In his comments on the Balkan countries, he brought no new news, continuing the defense of non-alignment, against the recommendations of China which has asked Albania to maintain a more open and more accepting line./ Memorie.al
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