Part Nineteen
Memorie.al / The CIA have shown the great role that the Soviet Union had in communist Albania. In several “Top Secret” documents, but declassified for years, it is shown that the USSR built several important military bases, especially in the South of the country. There, the submarines that Moscow had on the island of Sazan and the Bay of Vlora are shown in detail, and likewise the air bases, such as that of Rinas, Kuçova, etc. Then a panorama of political developments is given, where the dismissal of Defense Minister Beqir Balluku in the summer of 1974 from all functions in the army and party is mentioned. Likewise, a special place in the documents that the CIA has declassified are also those that speak about Albanian political emigrants in Yugoslavia, who are included in the Committee of Prizren, initially headed by Apostol Tanefi and under the pressures of the UDB, which recruits them with coercive measures, such as return to Albania, etc.
Continues from the previous issue
September 1950
Zogists and Christian Democrats in Shkodra
Supporters of former King Zog make up the majority of nationalists in Shkodra. This is because the Zogists represent the only acceptable party that had guaranteed the support of the Allies. Although it is known that the National Front has received support from the Allies, in the north of the country there are many prejudices against this party.
While the BKI (Independent National Bloc) is not considered to have Western support due to the presence of Nazi collaborators. Sources say that the antagonism toward the BKI is not based on opposition to its leaders, since the ties between Gjon Markagjoni and Ernest Koliqi are strong, but on the belief that the BKI will not be supported by the Western Allies. The Christian Democrats were organized during the communist regime by Father Gjon Shllaku.
They are a Catholic group of the center-left, led by Catholic teachers. During Albania’s history they have been the only party with a religious basis, initially organized by Father Anton Arapi and Koliqi in 1923. The anti-Zogist character of the group caused Koliqi to go into exile during the years 1924-1929.
May 1951
Yugoslav Propaganda
According to continuous analyses of military accusations against Yugoslavia by the countries of the Soviet Bloc, no urgent danger of attack or intensification of psychological preparations of this nature results. During the year 1951 the Soviet satellite countries have not transmitted military accusations for their audiences and the level of hostility has remained constant.
Last autumn a certain increase was noted on the part of Albania with the broadcasting of the trials of two accused as spies of Tito’s regime, which were held in January in Peshkopi and Korça. Even from the qualitative side the accusations have not marked a worsening of the threats. Besides these spy trials, Tito’s demands toward the West for armaments have not made necessary the fulfillment of needs.
The Greek clandestine radio stations, which belong to groups of communist rebels, accuse Yugoslavia of planning an operation against Albania, while Albania itself has not given much space to these topics in its broadcasts or in the press. Tito’s request for armaments from the West has drawn considerable attention, but the claims that pro-Soviet propagandists have tried to use it as a pretext for attack against Yugoslavia proved unfounded.
Last autumn Radio Moscow has given more importance to US food donations for Yugoslavia than to its request for armaments. The possible attack of Yugoslavia against Albania has been used by Soviet satellite radios as an object of reflection of Tito’s “aggressive” policies, together with border incidents and espionage activities with Albania.
The Greek clandestine radio “Free Greece” announced initially on January 11 that Yugoslavia and Greece are organizing the coordinated invasion of Albania by the two neighbors. This station usually has a much more heated language than the radio stations of the countries of the Soviet Bloc. The discovery of the “invasion operation” of Albania is also mentioned in Budapest’s broadcasts in the Serbo-Croatian language.
But no other Soviet country has spoken about the operation, even though they have often conveyed the accusations of the Greek communist radio “Free Greece.” The propagandists of the Soviet Bloc have said for their audiences that Tito’s request for weapons from the West is being considered only by the US.
March 1953
Turkey-Albania Friendship Association
The Turkey-Albania Friendship Association in Istanbul has a membership of 602 persons, most of whom are Albanians, with the exception of the ceremonial president, former Turkish General Sevki Altinai. The association does not have great political influence among the Albanian emigration, but is limited only to the aid of Albanian refugees in need in Istanbul. The society has in its bank accounted 1,800 Turkish lira and collects about 500-600 per month in the form of membership fees.
Its chairman is Xhevdet Veysel, while the members of the administrative council are Kosta Zoto, merchant, Lefter Sava, shop owner, Irakli Nova, restaurant owner, Xhemal Konuri, landowner, Shemsedim Davotuglu, journalist, Mehmet Kanter, retired officer, and Niazi Berisha, merchant. On behalf of the society, the Albanian magazine “Vardar” is published. The magazine is supposed to be monthly but has had irregular publication. It is financed by the contributions of the Albanians of Istanbul. Due to the decline in contributions, the board member himself Shemsedim Davotuglu has been forced to bear most of the expenses for the last edition that was published in early January.
Resistance in Albania, Dissidents, Deviations
January 1955
In Albania there does not exist an organized resistance against the regime. There are some isolated elements in the mountainous areas which are ineffective, since the communist security system has made the organization of the movement impossible. Among the population there is very little dissatisfaction with communism, there are criticisms of injustices, methods, and individual actions of the communists. But no one can express himself freely against the regime, except in their homes or in a narrow circle.
A group of communist officers and officials of rank from lieutenant to colonel, who had previously been intellectuals among the partisan fighters, meet regularly among themselves to discuss politics. They do not criticize communism as a system, nor Sovietization directly. They criticize individual actions, personal interests, incompetence, and the bad behavior of some high-level officials, who according to them are stupid, uneducated, and incapable. They complain that such people lead at the top while others much more capable than them must do the work for them.
Conflicts
The tensions and different currents in the Communist Party have continued since the time of the war. After 1944 the Soviet influence was minimal compared to that of Yugoslavia, who was much more active in Albanian affairs. The reactions against Yugoslav influence were directed by Mehmet Shehu, Nako Spiro, and Liri Belishova, before the break of 1948. Shehu was dismissed from the leadership of the Army and assigned to a post without much influence in the Ministry of Communications; he was accused as anti-Yugoslav and anti-Soviet.
Belishova lost her post while Nako Spiro committed suicide (or so at least it was declared). After the break with the Yugoslavs in 1948, leader Enver Hoxha began his opportunist policy of setting up fences and came out openly as a supporter of Moscow. After 1948 the leadership in Albania was in the hands of Hoxha, with Mehmet Shehu as his right arm, as well as Liri Belishova, Bedri Spahiu, and Tuk Jakova. From the Communist Party were removed Pandi Kristo, Ramadan Çitaku, and Pëllumb Dishnica. But as it later turned out, Hoxha and Shehu they were rivals for power. Hoxha had the support of Jakova, Spiro Koleka, Gogo Nushi, Kiço Ngjela, Manol Konomi, and Teodor Heba.
While Shehu was supported by Hysni Kapo, Manush Myftiu, close friend Kadri Hasbiu, Vito Kapo, Josif Pashko, Elena Terezi, Maqo Çomo, Bilbil Klosi, and Mihallaq Zicishti. Each leader had his group of supporters in the party, while other figures such as Spahiu, and to a certain extent Tuk Jakova, Sadik Bekteshi, Shefqet Peçi, Beqir Balluku, and Rita Marko, showed a certain malfunction. Hoxha was the popular leader of the party, but he had never possessed the military authority of Shehu.
Hoxha had never commanded a partisan brigade in the field but spent most of his time in his headquarters during the war, while Shehu had roamed the whole country with his partisan brigade and had become a high military figure. Also after the war everyone spoke of his terror, therefore he was well known by the people.
As long as Hoxha was the secretary of the party, he was considered the number 1 of the country, but in fact Shehu had much more authority and always left an impression at party meetings. In 1954 in Tirana there were rumors that changes would be made in the party, to implementing the principles of collective leadership. But Hoxha’s removal from power was not something simple. In 1953 Hoxha lost the post of Army commander and Foreign Minister. During the expected changes in the next five or six months, it seems that Hoxha will distance himself even more from power. Since 1948 in Albania there have been no signals of Titoism, or other deviations.
General Gjin Marku, a capable, dynamic, and ambitious man, has begun to discredit General Beqir Balluku when he became Army commander, and has also criticized Mehmet Shehu. General Balluku also criticized Shehu when he became commander. After the split with Yugoslavia in 1948, Marku came out openly as a supporter of the Soviets and tried to remove almost the entire Central Committee of the party with justifications that they were pro-Tito.
This action brought him many enemies and consequently he was not elected to the new Political Bureau. In 1952 he also lost the post as director of the Army Artillery, and became director of the Military School Enver Hoxha. But Marku is expected to rise again. / Memorie.al
Continues in the next issue
