By Dashnor Kaloçi
The third part
Memorie.al publishes some archival documents extracted from the Central State Archive in Tirana (the fund of the former PPSh Central Committee), which belong to the year 1982, where there is a file with relations, reports, instructions, information, letters , notes, minutes of meetings of the Political Bureau, the Secretariat of the Central Committee, etc., regarding the “hostile activity” of the member of the Political Bureau and the Minister of People’s Defense, Kadri Hazbiu, (who for three decades in a row had held the post of the Minister of Internal Affairs), as well as some of his closest collaborators, such as: Feçor Shehu, Mihallaq Ziçishti, Llambi Peçini, Zoi Themeli, etc., who were accused by Enver Hoxha, as “the main collaborators of the polyagent Mehmet Shehu”. In the file in question, there is also a document with the self-criticism of Kadri Hazbiu, which is dated September 27, 1982, sent to Enver Hoxha and the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the PPSh, regarding “his poor work, at the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the lack of vigilance, for not discovering hostile groups, all of which the party and Comrade Enver had discovered”. In the 24-page document, the former head of the Ministry of the Interior, who served in that post from 1953 to 1980, writes: “There from the beginning of September when I was getting my hair cut, a driver who works with the lines comes to me of transport abroad and tells me that, on the way back from abroad, the drivers had spoken ill of my fate. I didn’t ask him what he had been told, but I told him to go and report it where it should be. He added in more detail that he had spoken to the companion who stays with me, which I ordered him to report. He told me that he had done this. I don’t know whether I told him about this case or not, friend Hekuran. After a few days when I returned from a 3-4 day service, to my family for the first time, they told me that they are taking us on the phone and so on, in meetings they ask about you, where are you and how are you, because we heard things not good, as if we have escaped as a family abroad, as if I have been dismissed from my position as Minister of Defense, etc. I told you that anyone who asks about us, you say we are fine and don’t engage in further conversation. I emphasize that these things have spread so much that even one of the workers who serves in my family left unexpectedly and disobeyed, that something is happening with me and my family. All these things, I told my friend Ramiz, along with my opinion that there is not enough fight against these harmful slogans and that they are spreading from Tirana in the first place”. For more about this, we know the 24-page document, with the self-criticism of the former Minister of Internal Affairs, Kadri Hazbiu, (where Enver Hoxha has written notes on each page), which is made for the first time publicly from Memorie.al
Continues from last issue
The document with the self-criticism of the former Minister of Internal Affairs, Kadri Hazbiu, sent to Enver Hoxha and the Political Bureau of the PPSh Central Committee, on September 27, 1982
In both of these meetings, the ministry group was chaired by me, and I went to these two meetings with the authorization of the Central Committee, while we did not give speeches. There may be documents or notes and friends who were present can prove this.
I remember that in 1950 or 1951, I don’t remember exactly (it was the case when the steamer we were traveling on hit a mine on the way back) I went with Mehmet Shehu to Moscow. I don’t know the real reason, but as a legal topic it was to meet some material needs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, especially for Security and the Border.
From the Soviet side, two deputy ministers and several directors participated in this meeting. The joint work was done a little while Mehmet Shehu spent most of the time separately (under the pretext of comprehensive health tests).
While I was dealing with the concretization of the materials we were looking for. What was actually hidden behind this “visit” I do not know, but as I judge it now, it must have had a special character of connection or instruction for Mehmet Shehu as their agent.
I note that with the Chinese, after cutting off relations with other revisionists, we did not have such relations between internal affairs bodies or with advisors. At first, the Chinese gave us the code, but then they managed to produce it themselves.
Friends who have worked in this sector can explain this better. Even when I went to China as a guest in 1965, the official visit was aimed at exchanging experience or providing material aid. Comrade Rexhep Kolli went before and then for this task, but neither experience was gained nor were materials brought.
Ultimately, I think these relationships were not built and treated on the basis of equal rights. In this way, our interests were damaged and the secrets of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were endangered.
For these relations, there was neither official document nor detailed instructions on their scope. I take responsibility for what I knew when they were created, and later for continuing them as I found them until 1960.
I have always believed that the Central Committee of the Party knew everything about them. After 1961, I tried and worked determinedly to carry out the orders of the Central Committee and Comrade Enver that the State Security should be oriented to the fight against the discoveries of the Soviet Union and revisionist countries.
On these bases, in addition to other measures, the identification was made and the pursuit of suspicious people, as possible agents of these countries, was organized. What was done and how the Central Committee of the Party was informed about this work, the documents for this are in the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Now it is clear, as in any other field in this regard, everything has been sabotaged and manipulated behind my back by Mihallaq Ziçishti, then the first deputy minister for Counterintelligence, and by Feçor Shehu, who came later in the same function, as and by their spies or associates they had or recruited.
From this point of view, I look at it now, not only the poor work for the detection of foreign agencies as a whole, but also for the shallow fight in the investigator, for the further deepening of the processes for espionage and in particular for those of the coup plotters and saboteurs.
Despite the fact that I worked day and night, in the investigation of the coup plotters, even going to the investigator myself, they calmly answered that “that’s all we have”, “what more do you ask for”, and “we’re out of our minds” etc.
Now it’s clear to me that even though Teme Sejko, he started his process well, giving a whole network of American, Greek, and Yugoslav agents, he started talking to me about Panayot the Elder as an agent of the Soviets who had come a few sometimes as a liaison.
I don’t know what happened later, but he didn’t speak anymore and didn’t explain further. What happened, this is assumed, but maybe these traitors will explain now. There are such cases, but it is not worth to dwell longer.
After 1961, I will try to explain some of the measures that were taken for the students, who were collaborators of the State Security and who were known by the revisionists, according to the material that the friends of the Political Bureau have seen, as well as for the agency of our Intelligence abroad which the Soviet advisers knew.
As far as I remember, along with other measures, from the years 1961-1962 and later, a list of all students who were such was issued. I am convinced that I raised this issue with the relevant Secretary of the Central Committee, in addition to the traitors Mehmet Shehu and Beqir Balluku.
Along with the list, I also expressed the opinion that these people should be told to keep calm because they have no responsibility for the relationships they have kept. This opinion was accepted, and so they were clarified. Why these are not lists cards, or notes, and whether the material was returned or not, from the apparatus of the Central Committee, I cannot explain exactly.
I emphasize that for these types of documents of special importance that were sent without a protocol, and by hand, as a rule, they were returned from the Central Committee, to be kept in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. It is possible to find materials, lists, cards, registers, reports, and information that speak of this work done.
In 1975, the problem of these students came up again, from complaints made by Malo Harshova, Maqo Zoto, and others. As I remember then, I gave the order to verify the evidence once again and ordered to call the friends who knew the issues and reproduce the data more accurately.
The notes we have today of Comrade Hysni Kapo and the traitor Mehmet Shehu were made on this material. This is the flow of my memory on the matter and the documents can be found if they have not been deliberately lost. But for accuracy, you can also ask the friends who dealt with this problem at that time.
For the agency we had in capitalist countries, after the break with the revisionists, we took a series of measures: We changed their nicknames, the way of connection, and for some even their locations. Also, they were explained to you about this new situation that was created, and they were instructed that if someone approached you with the old communication signals, to refuse the contact and to notify us.
I remember that one source informed us that someone came, while another refused further work. From these two cases, we came to the conclusion that the Russians had not only obtained complete information about our agency abroad, but were also acting to put it at their service. This issue was analyzed and it was decided to gradually cut the links and replace this agency.
And so it was done. But when the enemies Zoi Themeli and Skënder Konica were discovered later, we were forced to review these measures for the second and third time. Now with the betrayal of Mehmet Shehu and Feçor Shehu, our entire agency that we have abroad is threatened. As for what can be done with him, I have given my thoughts to friend Hekuran Isai and the friends of Political Discovery.
As a final conclusion, I can say that any highly dangerous activity has not been discovered by the State Security Organs, but by the Albanian Labor Party. The State Security bodies did not perform their duty in this direction because I led them poorly and not as it should, but the betrayal acted forcefully on them as well.
The enemies have falsified, disappeared, manipulated, everything according to their interest, but what hurts us the most is that they sabotaged all the work on the detection and striking ability of these organs. The responsibility that falls on me is great and I now understand this more fully and comprehensively.
I am convinced that the Political Bureau and the Labor Party of Albania will appreciate and weigh everything well as usual, that’s why I am aware of any measures that can be taken against me.
The only legitimate request I have is that my mistakes, taken as they are, unconscious, related to the degree of my formation, and myself as one of the victims of this conspiracy and network that had surrounded me badly for so many years in a row.
I have always remained loyal to the People, the Party, and Comrade Enver, in every political and moral direction, and pure in my figure as a communist. During the construction of this self-criticism, I have inevitably turned my memory over my entire life several times.
I do not find anything that connects me in any way not only with these enemies and traitors, but also with any other anti-party, immoral and illegal activities.
For this I am calm, and I feel the only satisfaction in these moments when I, myself, balance my activity with complete mistakes, lacks, and flaws, in this class war process that the Party has done and is doing, and I as a member Hers. Memorie.al
Tirana on 27.9.1982
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