Memorie.al publishes some documents issued by the Central State Archive (fund of the former Central Committee of the ALP), where there is a voluminous file with archival materials which bear the logo ‘Top secret’, which belong to the period of years 1981-1982, with reports, reports, evidence, information, minutes of the meetings of the Politburo and the secretariat of the Central Committee of the ALP, etc., starting from what was held to review and analyze the self-criticism of the former Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu in December 1981, for allowing the engagement of his son, Skënder, “with a girl who had some political fugitives in her family circle”, the marathon meeting of the Politburo on the afternoon of December 17 his year that continued until the late hours of that night, where that problem was discussed with the debates and discussions of all members who “crucified” former Prime Minister Shehu, the meeting of the morning of December 18, after the news that Prime Minister Mehme t Shehu had killed himself, the marathon meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the ALP on September 20, 1982, with the topic: “Analysis of serious mistakes of Kadri Hazbiu, committed during the period when he was deputy minister and minister of Internal Affairs “, where Enver Hoxha initially launched accusations against Kadri Hazbiu, luring him as a” loyalist of the Party “, (in order for him to” open the heart of the Party “, speaking against former Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu) , where at the beginning of his speech, Enver said: “After the coup in the army, we discovered the traitorous group in economics of Abdyl Këllez, Koço Theodhos and Kiço Ngjela with friends. We also discovered this group here; it was not discovered by the State Security. The same can be said about the discovery of the group of Fadil Paçrami, Todi Lubonja and a number of other people connected with them, such as Ismail Kadareja with friends, the Security did not reveal, but that hostile work was discovered by the Committee Central, etc. ”! All these and other documents with the logo ‘Top secret’, will be published in several issues in a row, exclusively by Memorie.al
Continued from the previous issue
Archive document ‘Top secret’ with the minutes of the meeting of the Politburo dated December 18, 1981, which took place without the presence of Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu, after a few hours ago, he was found dead in his room sleep!
ALBANIAN LABOR PARTY Secret
PROCESS – VERBAL
OF THE MEETING OF THE POLITICAL BUREAU OF THE CENTRAL AFFAIRS OF THE ALP DATES
17 E 18 DECEMBER 1981
COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: Mehmeti in this case maintained a good attitude, but as much as I could, I stayed in very difficult conditions. If my attitude at the time seemed a bit shaky (and I did self-criticism about it), it was because I was completely isolated, surrounded by all those enemies, that even Nako Spiro for the atrocities he had done before with the Yugoslavs , not to mention Koci Xoxen and all those I mentioned, killed himself. Nakoja had attacked the Party; he had attacked me, both with letters and with conversations, with both the Yugoslavs and the Soviets.
He not only insulted and denigrated me, but tried to oust me from the leadership, with the intention of replacing me. Mehmeti has or does not have a hand in these events, I do not know, and I cannot confirm. Friend with Nako Spiro, I know it was but about events I do not know, I cannot speak for sure. Nako’s actions, on the other hand, are known, documented, and proclaimed by the Yugoslavs themselves. So, there are things that Mehmet does not look right at, as in his views individualism and subjectivism predominates.
In his self-criticism, Mehmeti emphasizes his firm and just attitudes during the War, and later against the factionists and revisionists. This is how it has been and this is how it is, the Party knows this. But let’s understand this fight that we just did “me and him”. These considerations are not openly affirmed by him, but sometimes Mehmeti, in political discussions, implies, as I mentioned regarding the Yugoslav revisionists, the Soviet ones, and to end with the Chinese ones. D.m.th., according to him, only me and he, have done this fight.
No, the protagonists of this Great War were not only the two of us, but the whole leadership together with the Party, and all the people clenched fists around our Party. So this unity of thought and action Central Committee – Party – People, we would not have this stable situation that we have today. It is said that man in life, even errs. This is true, but there is error and error. This is not the only time he has crossed the Party line. It is not the only case that Mehmeti acted for a position of principled and political importance, without asking me for any opinion as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party.
The comrades remember that he, without any reason and without any basis, went and complained to Ambassador Levickin, as if I had lost faith in Mehmeti when Beria was liquidated. This one is removed as if he knows the norms, line, theory, and politics of the Party, but he violated these with both feet. Mehmeti then, self-criticized about this and she is in the fund of the Central Committee. Yet he, again, erred gravely. His last mistake resembles the first. In both the first and the second he did not ask the Party. For his first mistake, he came and informed me Levickin himself, that he knew the danger, if he did not denounce this mischief of Mehmet.
The last mistake of Mehmet’s alliance with the enemies, I learned from the road. However Mehmet, then and now, must know that the revisionists and their agencies know these things and only the maturity of the Party prevents them from dividing us. Therefore, the repetition of serious political mistakes by Mehmet, intentionally or unintentionally, gives weapons to the enemy to use the circumstances to the detriment of socialism, the Albanian Labor Party, and its leadership. The party has gone through many dangers. Other dangers may come her way. We must therefore tighten our ranks and stand firm in our line, for with eloquent promises and oaths, the Party, Socialism, and the Homeland, are not protected.
Mehmeti is a friend with good, but also with flaws and mistakes. Let the good know others, and they have done so consistently. He should always be modest! His shortcomings and mistakes, at least I, have openly pointed out to him to correct them. The other comrades of the Central Committee, of the Politburo and of the Government, have many times avoided this task; they have not shown enough of the legitimate communist courage, to point out the flaws and mistakes that they have noticed in Mehmeti. Not only did they not notice him, but he did not come to me to signal me. This is very wrong, this sickens the unity in the leadership, creates the cult of the binomial Enver – Mehmet, as if we are “taboo”, which is very dangerous for the Party.
The cult of the person is punishable, not only when it is exaggerated with cheers, slogans, songs, etc., but it appears, even becomes very dangerous even when a leader, despite not being praised for it, seeks to impose himself with orders, with arrogance, arrogantly, when he has established the belief that such attitudes, such actions are right are normal and that, unlike other comrades, he may and should be allowed these, however they may be, even when they are not right. Herein lays the cult of the person again.
I have emphasized hundreds of times that in the Party there are no privileges that in the Party the cult of the person must be fought, that in the Party conformism must not be allowed, but that the conscious Marxist-Leninist communist conviction must prevail, through open, frank discussions, without any thread of shyness from anyone.
We all know these principles, they are talked about a lot, but not everyone applies them in life. The latter think that they are doing well, because, according to them, this is how “harmony is preserved”, while this harmony is weak; it is lousy inside, because it is infected with micro-bourgeois views.
The situation in the Party is strong, but it must be constantly strengthened day by day. This will and must be done when all communists, ordinary members or leaders and especially leaders, at every step, in every circumstance, must defend the Party line and norms.
Finally, I would like to emphasize a little about the political circumstances, external and internal, that this great political-ideological mistake was made by Mehmet? It took place at a time when the imperialists, the social-imperialists, the reactionary bourgeoisie of every capitalist state and all modern revisionists, are putting constant pressure on our socialist homeland and have organized a savage blockade against it. Every step of Socialist Albania is under surveillance and the target of the enemies of the class and of Marxism-Leninism.
Mehmeti made a mistake at a time when events in Kosovo were escalating and the Yugoslav revisionist leadership politically accused us of these riots and declared that our leadership had made an alliance (common cause) with the Albanian political reaction abroad. When the people and the Party were thrown into the attack, to come to the 8th Congress with new victories, Comrade Mehmet made this family alliance with elements of the blackest reaction.
When the whole leadership was engaged in the preparation of the Congress, to report on many political-organizational problems, which were connected with this Congress, Comrade Mehmet, was completely isolated to give the last word to a book on the world crisis, which many years ago he is preparing it, and he took me by the mouth for the first time, when he came to Pogradec in July, for a meeting, and that was the first thing he told me. Writing books is a right of every friend, but one should think carefully, both the time and the topic, about what best serves the Party.
The book that Mehmeti was writing, the last one, was waiting. We were before the Congress, so it was the case that Mehmeti in particular was fully mobilized, because it was the first five-year plan, based entirely on our forces, for which many studies and constructive discussions were made, and not on his initiative. On the side now, we missed Hysniu, who carried on his shoulders many economic-organizational and military problems of the Party.
Mehmeti, not only did not come to my aid in this period, for these problems, and he did not take care not only of the report of the Central Committee, which would be presented to the Congress, but he did not take care of his report either, and left this for the end of August, then made the mistake he made, and was unable to raise it to the level required for Congress, even leaving significant gaps, in the political treatment of some cardinal issues, as well as other aspects that were pointed out.
So, Mehmeti must deeply understand the mistake he made, other mistakes and shortcomings at work. The source of this error is not sentimentality, and simply abducted judgment, but mainly, is arrogance and some other negative elements in his character.
The Politburo in its analysis, did not stop only at Mehmet’s last mistake, because it does not consider this as a random thing, as he tries to explain, but as a mistake that has come from deeper causes, that are harmful to the Party, become dangerous to the future. The ugly act he committed, explains this.
It would be a mistake to think that the Party line is violated only when it comes to reactionary reaction. Such manifestations are as a consequence of a worldview, as narrow, sectarian, as well as liberal-opportunistic.
Therefore, Mehmet’s self-criticism did not convince me to have a deep understanding of the source and manifestations of error. Mehmeti should not be limited only to promise, but, I feel deeply that he must necessarily make a radical turn in thoughts, attitudes, and unbalanced actions, in relations of cooperation, with friends and in his behavior with subordinates. To make a turn, and to improve the method of work, because, some of the features of his character have badly influenced the state bodies he leads.
And you, comrades, had the right to ask Mehmet why in self-criticism, he does not mention this issue. This did not suit him and he said he would do it later. For this, we must and will all help. The social criticism we made of him should not make him falter and faint. This alas, we did not foresee it that way, we foresaw it wrong, and he fainted to suicide.
Mehmeti with new forces should be in charge of the responsibility assigned to him by the Party. The result showed that he did not have this courage and this trust in us, did not wait.
At the last meeting of the Politburo, I raised the need for an in-depth analysis to correct the working method in the Government and its presidency, taking even some organizational measures for the presidency of the Council of Ministers and for a more fair determination of the division of the work and functions of the members of the Presidency, not allowing this to be placed on the Government.
The last few days, I had a long conversation with my friend Adil and Mehmet, about this problem. For three hours we talked and discussed together as brothers, socially, in a very open and warm spirit, and even jokes were made to both friends. Adil was convinced of what is right and this is how it should be done, this is how I convinced Mehmet.
(But the suicide showed that he was not convinced of anything.)
We need to define more clearly the competencies of ministers, as individuals, which need to be much broader. Their responsibility should be much greater for the departments or sectors they lead and as members of the Government, as a high collegial state body.
We must all be fully mobilized and more than ever at work, to respond to all this revolutionary impulse that has erupted in the working class, in the cooperative peasantry, in all the employees of the scientific, educational and cultural sectors of our country, to implement, with the Communists at the forefront, the historic decisions of the 8th Party Congress and to realize the new plans of the seventh five-year-old.
I want to express the conviction that, like all of us, Mehmeti will be in charge of the work assigned to him by the Party.
Mehmeti did not have patience, he killed himself and did not listen to my discussion, which joins and is in line with the remarks of his friends, and Mehmeti had lost faith in the Party. Memorie.al