Dashnor Kaloçi
Twenty-fourth parts
Memorie.al publishes a voluminous archival file issued by the institution of the Authority for Information of Former State Security Files, where there are hundreds of documents with the logo “Top secret” belonging to the former political prisoner, Xhavit Qesja, originally from the city of Kruja, whose family during the period of occupation of the country, 1939-1944, was closely associated with the Anti-Fascist Movement, being one of its main bases and made available all the wealth it had, as Xhavit was one of the first members of the Albanian Communist Party for the Kruja district, leading the Kruja-Ishëm partisan battalion and the 22nd Assault Brigade. Xhavit Qese’s political career after the end of the War, where he was appointed and served in senior positions in the Albanian Army, the apparatus of the Central Committee of the ALP, and several districts of the country, from where he was sent to study in the Soviet Union, where stayed until 1957, when he was announced to return to Albania urgently, after openly expressing his views in favor of the political line being pursued by the main Kremlin leader, Nikita Khrushchev, condemning the Stalin cult. Enver Hoxha’s conversation with Xhavit Qesen in his office in the Central Committee, where he sharply criticized him for the wrong views he had expressed during his studies in Moscow, urging him to reflect and make self-criticism, but Xhavit rejected the suggestion of the first secretary of the Albanian Labor Party, which caused him to no longer be allowed to go to the Soviet Union to complete his studies, but to be sent to work as deputy chairman of the Elbasan Executive Committee, from where a year later, he was expelled from the Party and exiled to Zvërnec Island, where the communist regime kept isolated some of the former senior party and state cadres whom he had condemned for their anti-party views. Xhavit Qesva’s long ordeal and persecution from 1957 to 1990, where he spent a full 32 years in prison and internment, being one of the few convicts in Burrell Prison who went on long hunger strikes in protest of the treatment and savage attitude that the communist regime of Enver Hoxha was holding towards him. The complete form, investigative and judicial file in charge of Xhavit Qeses, which is published for the first time by Memorie.al, which contains the documents of the former State Security that reflect the prosecution and wiretapping against him, the reports of Security collaborators with pseudonyms their correspondence with the letters he sent to the highest party and state instances, as well as the highest leaders of the ALP, until 1991 when he was released from prison!
Continued from the previous issue
Information report of the State Security Operational Worker, Shaban Hate, with the data of the Security collaborator with the nickname “Beni”, regarding the conversations made by the convicts in Burrel prison, where he was serving his sentence
Given B.p. “Do”
Received P.Op. Shaban Hate
R E P O R T
Dated 10.4.1969
After the isolation of Avdulla Sallaku (with the exception of Koço Prifti, who continues to talk to him), a very bad environment was created again, not only anti-communist and micro-bourgeois, but also anti-Albanian and anti-national. These campaigns are led by Qamil Disha and Koço Prifti. Both, the first renegades of Marxism and who have fallen into the positions of religion, as well as Koço Prifti, aristocrat and bourgeois and pro-Western, from morning to evening, do not leave the opportunity unused to swear and sit everything Albanian, raising everything western in the sky. This atmosphere has become unbearable, so much so that with all patience and restraint, they often lead to quarrels and quarrels. These two are supported by Halim Xhelua and Iljaz Spahiu.
On April 4, a conversation was opened about our language, where Koço Prifti said that the Albanian language is very poor. Kini reacted immediately, saying that she is not as poor as it seems to me in conversations. The conversation thickens; Vangjel Xhomaka intervenes in support of Koço Prifti, so that no one from the filthy nationalists expects him to defend the Albanian language. He intervenes through Kin. Koçoja contemptuously said that the Albanian language is “tat’histe”. He accused Koço Prifti brutally, of anti-Albanianism, nihilism of everything Albanian, etc.?
Vangjel Xhomaka later got into a fight with him, where the latter accused Vangjel of breaking the agreement not to talk to anyone in the room (in front of Avdulla Sallaku), to resolve issues outside, in a pawn. Maqo took our side. Now he, Kini and Maqo, have decided not to interfere and not to respond to provocations at all. I have close relations with Kini, Maqon and Gramoz, whom I separated from Avdulla Sallaku, as well as with Dhimitër Kotefa. I talk to Qamil, I do not talk to others.
Maqua got into a fight with Halim and Vangjeli, their focus and intent on isolating me and Vangjeli on their attitude and intent on isolating me and Kini. Halimi continues to insult the popular power and leadership in every case even in the filthiest way. On April 1, when we were out, sitting at the well, he said again, “What do you expect from the gays in power?” It has become really very dirty. He told Maqos that he did not want to talk to Halim until he corrected his language and attacked socialism, which is also tactical (to strengthen trust).
Maqua is outraged by Romania’s telegram addressed to the IX Congress of the Communist Party of China and the Vietnamese. He underestimates the events in Czechoslovakia and does not trust the newspaper. From the conversations made with Gramoz, it turns out that Xhavit Qesja, has completely shifted to anti-Soviet and anti-communist positions, although he tries to present himself as being on the Italian path, but in fact is a Titoist. When he heard of the boycott of their Congress by the revisionist countries, it was done to pour cold water on them.
Maqua has used this to expose him in the eyes of others. Kinin was not allowed to write a letter to the Tirana Prosecutor’s Office, Maqua, saying that this is a Security game and they want to use it either for blackmail against the boy (in case they have arrested him), or to present him to the Yugoslavs ( in case it is out). Despite his interventions, he failed to persuade Kini to do so, and in order not to be compromised he withdrew.
“Beni”
Note: Assignments are not assigned to B.p. as there is no possibility.
Take advantage of the situation when everyone goes out on a limb and enters their correspondence.
Operational measures: To be printed and, after the implications, to be inserted in the file of files.
- Op. Shaban Hate
Report-information of the State Security Operational Worker, Shaban Hate, with the data of the Security collaborator with the nickname “Beni”, regarding the conversations made by the convicts in Burrel prison, where he is serving his sentence
No. 154 Given B.p. “Beni”
Received P.O. Shaban Hate
R E P O R T
Dt. 4.5.1969
It has been forced to be silent for a relatively long time only for Security reasons, in order not to arouse any doubt, given the complicated situation that has been created in the room.
Halimi and Avdullai, through the barber, Skënder, correspond first to Viktor Laçi and second to Ylli Tabaku. The transmission takes place at the time of storage, so when we enter the barber shop, there should be a guard at the door, but nothing should be done with Skënder. We learned from Halimi that Vangjel Lezho and Zija Dibra came from Spaçi here. I wonder why they did not bring them to our room. Today, Pandelius handed Kin two notebooks of cigarette paper and greetings from the Gospel.
Maqua told him that he had found out (apparently from Skënderi) that Gjin Marku’s son had been arrested, from which Maqua concluded that: there were bluffs and lies, the words that were opened about Gjin, that he allegedly surrendered and bowed before the leadership ours and that he sent greeting letters to them.
On April 27, 1969, Maqua told him that he had learned from that side that a group of party secretaries had been arrested and that their trial was being prepared. On this occasion, Maqua expressed his satisfaction that the quarrel has now entered the Party. Pandeliu, told Vangjeli, that this new year, we will celebrate at home. The new server is very correct.
After the long article on Soviet military dictatorship in diplomacy came out, on April 13, 1969, Maqua had a conversation with him (Xhavit). Maqua told him that it was now very clear, that the Yugoslavs and Romanians had fallen into secret contact with the Chinese, for the position they would hold against the Soviets, hence they are in a hostile position towards the Soviet Union. Maqua said that our leaders will also regulate relations with the Yugoslavs, to create a common, anti-Soviet front.
For this reason, said Maqua, party activists were held in Albania at the same time to analyze the conclusions and popular discussions on education. For the turn that will be made regarding Yugoslavia, Maqos has attracted the attention and the relatively long stay of Hysni Kapos in Peshkopi and the possibility of any secret contact with the Yugoslavs are not ruled out.
With this he linked both after him, the visit made by the Minister of Interior Kadri Hazbiu, a month ago in prison (information apparently from Halimi, through Viktor Laçi), and as after Maqo’s opinion, he met with Bedri Spahiu and he wanted to buy Bedri’s mind, since they think he is with the Yugoslavs, when in fact Bedri is against them. As after Maqo, the Soviets would eat Ceausescu’s head, maybe from within, and that would be right. Titua has his job too.
Yesterday, May 3, 1968, we learned through Halim, who was hospitalized, that a general mobilization of the population had been announced in Yugoslavia, which stemmed from a letter received by a Yugoslav prisoner here, where he was told from home that the three brothers are soldiers and: “the old man has bad things to do with the neighbors”.
Kin Dushi, for every long article that comes out, says: “The situation is very complicated and honorable”.
Regarding the situation in the room, I can say the following: Two opposing groups have been created, one reformist and one neutral. The group of Maqo, him (Xhavit), and Kin, as pro-Soviet nuclei. Halim, Iljaz and Vangjeli group, and neutral group: Dhimitri, Qamili and Koçua.
No one speaks from the room with Xhavit, Avdulla, as they are considered a pro-Western and pro-Tito group. Allegedly because of Gramoz, Halimi got angry and does not talk to Maqon. On the same day, as a sign of solidarity, Iljazi does not talk to Maqon. The next day, Vangjeli joined Halim and Iljaz, not to mention Mako, because when Vangjeli voluntarily resigned as head of the chamber, and Maqo did not support him, then he was offended, saying that he had put Vangjeli below that Gramozin.
Neutrals talk to both parties. Maqua is very angry against Halim, Iljaz and Vangjeli. He also made Miço for himself. Halim’s denunciation against Gramoz in command, (although he does not openly admit it), has left a very bad impression throughout the room, even on the neutral group. From us he is considered as a person who is ready to compromise with the Command, therefore he is being pampered by the Command (Continuation of hospitalization without having anything serious). All the vomiting, came that he ate sugar contrary to the advice to eat powdered sugar, of sauce).
Maqua and Dhimitri, have begun to suspect Vangjeli, is not an agent. I feed this. Everyone has the impression that Vangjeli, on the day he was called by the commander and the operative, fully reported the situation in the command room and as a result, and at Halimi’s request, the person in charge was replaced. Vangjeli, when he called them to the room in conversation with Miço, told him three times in three different variants, the conversation with the command, until Miço bluntly told him, that I do not believe that you are telling me another version three times.
In conversations with Maqon, Dhimitri has expressed doubts about Vangjeli. The work has reached the point where it is suspected that Vangjeli’s wife is not a Security agent, which is based on a suspicion that Vangjeli himself had shown to Maqos and Xhavit, where his wife insisted that he pray. to be released. The Gospel is considered intriguing and provocative, by Maqua and Michua, China, Xhavit. Vangjeli had told Miço that he had told the Operative: why not talk to him? This was considered a Gospel provocation.
Currently, Kini, Maqua, Xhaviti, do not talk to Halim, Iljaz and Vangjeli.
Maqua is very angry with Halim, Iljaz and Vangjeli and says that even in the future, if he speaks, there will be only a good morning, but not intimate conversations. For Halimi, Maqua thinks that, being a man with pronounced micro-bourgeois garbage, she is expected to compromise with the current leadership and that Halimi, Iljazi and Vangjeli, have hopes that this year, they will be released with amnesty. , therefore want to come up with anti-Soviet views.
But as in his opinion, this will not happen. Halim’s insistence on fighting him (Xhavit), slandering him and the constant insistence and pressure exerted for a long time on Maqon, to separate him, (Maqon), from the most stable pro-Soviet nucleus, Xhavit of Kin, makes Maqo think that it is not excluded that when Halimi was in Tirana, he met with some staff of the Ministry and gave them to understand that, if he thinks, there can be hope for release.
Thought, according to Maqo, means taking anti-Soviet positions and possibly getting others to follow in your footsteps. Maqua does not intend to be the first to speak to them. Kini and Xhavit will hold the same position. Xhavit enjoys complete trust in Maqua, Kini, etc. He has stepped up his pro-Soviet stance against China and against the leadership, to strengthen the position, Halimi and Vangjeli attack him, but he defends himself very well.
“Beni”
Note about the report:
- Notes have been made to the report by us, as B.p. mentions his name and that he was endangered in case of loss of the report.
- The commander was immediately consulted, so that measures could be taken to control and properly perform the service by the internal guards.
- In time, to replace Pandeli Varezi and barber Skënder Alia, talking to him in the leadership.
- Halim should be given another visit by the free doctor, and if it turns out that he has improved, he should go to the infirmary immediately.
- Together with the chairman, determine the tasks that will be given to the agent.
Operational measures: To be printed as after the implications and placed in the files and folders of each. Memorie.al
Operational Workshop
Shaban Hate
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