“Even before Kadri Hazbiu was arrested, Sigurimi officer Ylli Birçe reported that on the day the Political Bureau meeting was taking place, coming out of Kadri’s house were…” / The rare testimony of Agron Aranitasi

BY AGRON ARANITASI

Part Four

                                       THE TRUTHS I BELIEVE IN: THE FRENCH AGENT

                                                               Introduction

Memorie.al / When I began writing the book, “The Truths I Believe In” (published by “PAPIRUS”), I had not intended to write about myself. The primary impulse arose when I encountered the State Security (Sigurimi) files regarding the surveillance of Citizen Agron Hajdar Aranitasi. Those files serve as further testimony of how an individual could be persecuted once they were categorized, at a specific moment, as an enemy of the “people’s power.” Nothing was taken into account – not how they had worked, how they had conducted themselves, nor how they had lived. Even the stance of parents, brothers, and numerous cousins was disregarded; they were automatically subjected to fierce strikes and suffered consequences despite bearing no guilt.

                                              Continued from the previous issue

Chapter One: Family Origins

Hajdar Aranitasi – Work Performance Evaluations (1946-1957)

“It must be said that during 1955, he has been busy with work, but considering the volume of work in his sector on one hand, and his health condition on the other, I propose that the possibility of his replacement be looked into. He wishes to continue his studies and has raised this matter with his ministry.” With this, the work evaluations by Ambassador Prifti conclude. It seems strange that no evaluations for the years 1956 and 1957 are found in the file, especially since he was to return to the homeland that year. Perhaps they existed? Perhaps the ambassador had changed his stance and provided positive evaluations? Perhaps they were purged by the same hand that handled Hajdar’s file?

I remember in 1965, when we were on vacation in Vlorë. Mihal was also vacationing there with his family. Hajdar and Liria maintained the same dismissive attitude toward him. I socialized with his children (two daughters and a son); one day we even went with Mihal to Zvërnec and filled a sack with almonds. By an irony of fate, the trees were located within a military unit housing anti-aircraft guns, the land of which was later returned to the heirs of my grandparents, Tol and Katina Arapi (in 1995). To be honest, I did not like my parents’ attitude, but when I read Mihal Prifti’s evaluations, I understood that they had been right.

In February 1958, Hajdar Aranitasi began working in Vlorë as the Commissar of the Naval Fleet. There is no evaluation of him neither before the start of his new job, nor for the years 1958 and 1959! This, too, was not normal and could never happen during the years of the communist regime, especially for a cadre of his level. Hajdar Aranitasi worked for six years as a Party Secretary in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. For all these years, not a single work evaluation is found in the file. Undoubtedly, such evaluations existed and must have been positive. The Minister was Kadri Hazbiu, whom Hajdar had known since the war.

While evaluations are missing, the file records two monetary rewards accompanied by the motivation: “for good work.” In the apparatus of the Central Committee, Hajdar worked for five years, always close to Hysni Kapo. Hysni loved and respected him. It is impossible that during these years, work evaluations were not conducted for him. From 1971 until 1976, Hajdar Aranitasi served as the Vice-Chairman of the Control and Audit Commission of the PLA (Party of Labour of Albania). Here too, no evaluation of his work is found! In 1971, at his own request, he was appointed Commissar of the High School for Officers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. He worked there for 4 years.

The file contains two evaluations, one for 1973 and one for 1974. Both are very good, but in the 1974 evaluation, he is criticized for an event that occurred at the school. The criticism was fair. Within the Security (Sigurimi) course, a group of nine people had formed who opposed school regulations. Hajdar had frequently reprimanded them, but had limited himself to counseling rather than disciplinary measures. Most of these students were children of his former comrades -members of the Central Committee, state institution officials, and senior officers in the Ministry of Internal Affairs (I am not listing their names).

Severe measures were taken against them, up to expulsion from the school. Hajdar Aranitasi made a self-criticism and acknowledged his responsibility. He was issued a warning noted in his party membership registration card, which he accepted well (as stated in the evaluation). Two months later, the measure was approved by the Party Committee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Immediately after this, Hajdar Aranitasi submitted a request for release from his duty as school commissar. It was accepted under the pretext of health reasons. The disciplinary measure was lifted on October 1, 1975.

During 1975 and 1976, Hajdar Aranitasi worked with the Control and Audit Commission of the PLA (he was Vice-Chairman, elected by the 6th Congress of the PLA). In 1982, as soon as Kadri Hazbiu was arrested, Hajdar’s entry permits for the Central Committee and the Ministry of Internal Affairs Club were revoked. As I mentioned above, the issue of the family alliance (krushqia) with Kadri Hazbiu became the main topic of several meetings of the local party organization for retirees in the neighborhood where the Aranitasi family lived. The main accusation was a lack of vigilance: “Liria and Hajdar had not discovered the activity of their ‘enemy’ in-law!” Ultimately, the basic organization issued a severe party warning for both. Without losing time, Zylyftar Ramizi went into action.

Even before Kadri was arrested, he cast suspicions on Hajdar Aranitasi. Based on a report by Sigurimi officer Ylli Birçe (which turned out to be false) claiming that Agron Aranitasi had removed documents from Kadri Hazbiu’s house (on the day of the Politburo meeting), Zylyftar wrote that they were hidden in Hajdar Aranitasi’s house. He immediately ordered Hajdar to be put under surveillance. He gave the order without obtaining permission from party organs (from the First Secretary of Tirana), thus acting in violation of the State Security Platform. The surveillance of Hajdar Aranitasi would reach its peak in August 1984, when a “preliminary processing surveillance” (PP) was initiated against him.

A few months later, on November 2, “a group of villagers from the village of Aranitas” wrote an anonymous letter to Enver Hoxha.

Let us pause the narrative here to see how the next anonymous letter was “cooked.” In 1977, Mehmet Shehu traveled to Aranitas. He took Hajdar Aranitasi with him. In his speech to the villagers, Mehmet praised Hajdar. He said he had fought heroically, comparing his contribution to his own. He also spoke of Xhafo, who had been the first commander of the Aranitas village guerrilla unit and later deputy battalion commander in the Mallakastra partisan grouping. Mehmet was aware of the anonymous letter against Hajdar written in 1976 and knew how its issue had been resolved.

During the speech, Mehmet did not mention Ramiz Aranitasi, although he had been decorated as a “Hero of the People.” He did not like Ramiz because he knew how and why he was killed! This affected Ramiz’s relatives, who were present. After Mehmet’s departure, the group that had written the previous anonymous letter wrote another one. This time, the writers included their names. One was a first cousin of Zylyftar Ramizi. They wrote to Mehmet claiming that Hajdar’s brothers had been with the “Balli Kombëtar” (National Front). They added that his brother, Xhafo, had not been the commander of the Aranitas unit, naming someone else as the commander and adding that the “true commander” had fallen as a martyr.

Mehmet, who had supported Hajdar and his family, felt uneasy. He requested that key war comrades clarify and analyze the matter and report back to him. The individuals he designated were Bilbil Klosi, Hajdar Aranitasi, Faik Ahmetaj, Feçor Shehu, and Ismail Klosi. The latter had been the commander of the third battalion of the Mallakastra partisan grouping, where Xhaferr Yzeiraj had served as deputy commander.

The designated individuals drafted their statements and then produced a joint report. Zylyftar Ramizi attached himself to them, condemning his cousin for the 1977 anonymous letter. After this, he went to Hajdar and swore that he had been unaware of his cousin’s malice.

After reading the report, Mehmet addressed the Party Committee of Fier. He specifically criticized Naunka Bozo, who had allowed actions that divided the residents. He requested that his stance be made known to all inhabitants of Aranitas. Following this, the villagers came out in support of Hajdar’s family. They testified that the first commander of the village unit had been Xhaferr Yzeiraj. Only after he went to the mountains did the other commander arrive, who later fell as a martyr. Even the latter’s brother changed his stance, admitting that the truth was as reported by the individuals appointed by Mehmet.

I do not wish to dwell further. The material clarifying this issue is in the Central State Archive and numbers more than 80 pages. However, after Mehmet Shehu’s suicide and Kadri Hazbiu’s arrest, the group of disgruntled individuals was revived. They were no longer afraid. They said that Hajdar Aranitasi “had lost his power.” And they wrote another letter, again anonymous. Let us move forward. The letter fell into the hands of Lenka Çuko. The “Cadre official” of the Central Committee (she covered cadre problems – my note) went into action and gave it way, sending the letter to Hekuran Isai.

Party of Labour of Albania / Top Secret

Central Committee

No. 114/1

Subject: Anonymous letter in the name of the people of Mallakastra

To the Ministry of Internal Affairs

To Comrade Hekuran Isai,

Tirana

We are sending you the aforementioned anonymous letter and a photocopy of its summary, upon which Comrade Lenka noted: For You, as “perhaps this data written in the letter will be useful to you.”

Official in charge of letters and complaints

                   Petrit Shijaku

The summarized letter was given to Enver Hoxha with the following content:

Anonymous letter against Hajdar Aranitasi:

“Hajdar Aranitasi has been a friend and loyalist of enemy M. Shehu and an in-law of enemy K. Hazbiu. Hajdar’s brothers (Xhafo and Bajram Bektashi Yzeiraj) were ‘Ballists’ (members of Balli Kombëtar). It is said (by whom?!) that when Bajram died, a large funeral ceremony was held, and to cover up his bad past, enemy K. Hazbiu attended, claiming that the Party had allegedly sent Bajram into the ranks of the Balli. (A lie! Kadri only participated in the funeral. He did not even stay for the funeral lunch and spoke to no one except Bajram’s wife and his brothers. – My note).

Hajdar Aranitasi was used by enemies K. Hazbiu and F. Shehu to divide the people of Mallakastra by supporting elements with poor biographies (names of several people with poor biographies are given). Faik Ahmeti (father of former Prime Minister Vilson Ahmeti – My note), who was also a friend of enemies M. Shehu and K. Hazbiu, has knowledge of Hajdar Aranitasi’s activity. It is requested that several comrades be questioned (their names are given), as well as Qemal Klosi, former commissar of the 12th Brigade.”

Only this much was sent to Enver Hoxha, while the letter contained 14 pages and the writer, in various places, speaks in the first person, forgetting that he was writing in the name of “a group of villagers.” The authors could not have been a group of villagers; one need only look at the calligraphy and orthography with which it was written (regular, almost beautiful handwriting, without a single spelling error).

The letter stated, among other things, that M. Shehu and K. Hazbiu prepared the strike against several comrades (from the village of Aranitas – my note) and condemned them in court as enemies because they had denounced the biography (the Ballist brothers – my note) and deeds of Hajdar Aranitasi. The letter claimed that a commemorative plaque as a “Base of the National Liberation War” was “unjustly placed” on the house of Hajdar, Xhafo, and Bajram, and that this was done under Hajdar’s influence. Simply for clarification: The house of the three brothers was the first to be burned by the Germans during the “Winter Operation” (1943-1944) because two partisans (Hajdar and Xhafo) had come from that door. Even after the anonymous letter, although Hajdar Aranitasi was put under processing, the commemorative plaque was never removed. The letter continues:

“When Mehmet Shehu came to Aranitas, he put Hajdar in the front seat of his car. He sang his praises as the best and most distinguished son of the village, but also of Mallakastra. He forgot Dervish (Hekali), Dino (Kalenja), and Ramiz (Aranitasi), all three ‘Heroes of the People’; he even forgot the people of Mallakastra. Hajdar became like Zog’s general, Xhemal Aranitasi, because both had division and domination in their blood.” The letter attacks several people (including their families), among them one of the most well-known partisans of Mallakastra, condemned in 1982 (in a trial organized by Zylyftar Ramizi in Ballsh – my note) because he and several others (known and respected people of Mallakastra) did not accept that Mehmet Shehu had been an enemy. This referred to Hekuran Qazimi, a former partisan of the 1st Brigade, who was seriously wounded in battle with the Germans and had a leg amputated. In one legislature of the People’s Assembly, Hekuran had been elected as a deputy and had also served as Chairman of the Executive Committee of Ballsh.

Over entire pages, the letter-writers attack M. Shehu and K. Hazbiu, express joy at their punishment, and demand the punishment of their agent, H. Aranitasi, “so that the people of Aranitas may find peace.” Was it a coincidence that this letter was written after Hajdar was put under surveillance? Certainly not! The anonymous letter said nothing new! In a much shorter version, which naturally did not mention the “enemies” Mehmet and Kadri, it had been sent to the Central Committee of the PLA in 1976. The letter accused Hajdar’s brothers of ties to the Balli Kombëtar during the War. The letter-writers did not know that Hajdar had recorded in his biography the fact that during the Winter Operation (when a large portion of partisans dispersed to their homes), Xhafo and his brother, Bajram, had stayed in their village. It is known that at that time, power in the village was held by the Ballists.

The letter-writers (1976) denounced Hajdar for intervening to declare certain individuals who had been with the Balli Kombëtar as martyrs. When the villagers of Aranitas “pointed this out to him, he (always according to the denouncers) reportedly said: ‘Eh, come on, one more martyr won’t hurt!'” The letter was forwarded to Hysni Kapo. “It is not possible that Hajdar spoke this way,” he had said. Nevertheless, since a high party official who had worked in the Central Committee was being denounced, Hysni Kapo sent a control team. The team was headed by a high official of the Central Committee, Mihallaq Gjinikasi. He analyzed the denunciation and clarified that the points raised were not unknown to the party. He also issued a party measure against Naunka Bozo, the secretary of the Party Committee in Fier, who had been aware of the rumors circulating in Aranitas and had not taken measures to stop them.

It did not take long for the authors of the letter to be found. One of them was Zylyftar Ramizi’s first cousin. Zylyftar, as I wrote above, swore he had not known of his cousin’s deed. Furthermore, he spoke out publicly against the authors of the anonymous letter. But a habit only leaves with death! In 1984, that same Zylyftar sought to restore the “honor” trampled by Mehmet Shehu, who had dared to “raise” Hajdar higher than his brother, the “Hero of the People,” Ramiz Aranitasi.

Hekuran Isai, after reading the anonymous letter, passed it to Zylyftar, placing his signature on it. Zylyftar Ramizi “studied” the letter and provided an answer. I did not put the word “studied” in quotes by accident. He reported to the minister:

“When Hajdar became an in-law of Kadri Hazbiu, things began to take another path, and these former Ballists came to be called partisans (referring to Hajdar’s brothers). Bajram died (in 1973 – my note), Hajdar’s brother; Kadri Hazbiu came to Aranitas for condolences, where the whole village was buzzing (untrue – my note); people began writing to the Party Central Committee (meanwhile, Bajram was no longer living – my note). Several individuals (including his first cousin – my note) presented things outside Party norms, exaggerated them, and even slipped into hostile activity, for which they were also condemned.

Hajdar Aranitasi in the village has constantly taken Ballist and Kulak elements under protection, as long as they said: ‘Long live Hajdar!’ One of them was Sabri Xhafo, who was killed in Margëlliç (fighting in partisan ranks – my note). Qazim Malo, categorized as a kulak and affected by the reform, he called a partisan since he was a family friend. Muhamet Telhaj, who was executed in the Aranitas group because he had committed crimes during the War, he proposed to become the chairman of the cooperative in Aranitas” (untrue, Muhamet was one of the authors of the letter against Hajdar in 1976 – my note).

A clarification: After the German capitulation, Mit’hat Frashëri ordered the dissolution of Balli Kombëtar. There were former Ballist fighters who joined partisan units. After the Përmet Congress, mandatory recruitment into the ranks of the National Liberation Army began. Recruitment included former Ballist and Zogist fighters. Some of them fell on the battlefield. Hajdar Aranitasi proposed for some of them, residents of Aranitas, to be declared martyrs. Where had he erred? As for Muhamet Telhaj, he had never had Hajdar’s support; he had been an opponent of the National Liberation War. / Memorie.al

                                                              To be continued in the next issue