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“Enver Hoxha’s preoccupation was the preservation of power, which he gained by betraying his closest collaborators, such as Qemal Stafa, Nako Spiru, Tuk Jakova, Sejfulla Malëshova, and…” / Analysis of the Albanian Communist Party

“Members of Congress, such as the representative of Massachusetts, Joseph P. Kennedy, as well as the senator of Arizona, Denis DeConcini, asked to visit Albania…”/ Writing of the New York Times, in the 1990s

By Ramadan Ilnica & Qemal Biraku

Part Two

Memorie.al / The materials in this article, which we are publishing below in several issues, were prepared based on documents from the Albanian Secret Services, over a period of time that began in the late ’70s and concluded in the early ’80s, when the people of Kosovo took to the streets in massive protests, demanding more independence. This entire material refers to a secret dossier that agents of the Albanian State Security were able to steal from the secret safes of the 11th Division in the Yugoslav Army of that time. The “Kosova” dossier, processed by specialized structures of the Albanian Secret Services, was commissioned by the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the PPSh, with the personal interest of Enver Hoxha, a few years before he died.

                                              Continued from the previous issue

Gjithashtu mund të lexoni

“Socialist Albania is the only country on our globe that does not yet know Coca-Cola and…”! / The unknown article of the magazine ‘Stern’ with the impressions of German journalists, after the visit to Albania, in 1987.”

“How would the girls be made Slavic and the request for 600 million dinars to expel 40 thousand families, which…”?! / The Serbian plan with the academic’s scheme is revealed, where the graves of Albanians would also be destroyed!

The Forced Migration of Kosovar Albanians to Turkey

Just as during the time of the kings, the Titoist regime renewed the colonizing agrarian reform, taking land from Albanians and giving it to Serbian and Montenegrin elements. This caused new colonists to arrive in addition to the pre-war colonists. Only during the years 1947-1960, in four districts of Kosovo—Pristina, Mitrovica, Peja, and Ferizaj—about 53,000 Serbian and Montenegrin colonists were settled. At that time, all methods of coercion for the forced migration of Albanians to Turkey were also renewed.

It is documented that over 50 percent of the Montenegrin, Croatian, and Bosnian elements living in Kosovo today have arrived after World War II. According to data published in issue 10 of the magazine “Përparimi” in 1971, only during the eight years from 1953-1960, about 285,000 Albanians migrated from Kosovo. The migration to Turkey continued even later, and data from publications in former Yugoslavia show that after World War II, the Greater Serbs forcibly migrated about 400,000 Albanians to Turkey, of whom 203,000 were only in the years 1955-1958.

Temporary and Permanent Departure to Europe and America

Another deception used by the Titoist regime to remove Albanians from their ethnic lands was their departure for work in Western countries. From Kosovo alone, in 1978, there were about 60,000 workers in the West, including 1,200 women. While from the Albanian areas in Macedonia and Montenegro, departures for work abroad were even greater. From only four municipalities—Tetovo, Gostivar, Kumanovo, and Ulcinj—17,000 people left for work in Europe in 1978. Besides temporary departure, it turns out that many Kosovars and Albanians from other ethnic areas in Montenegro and Macedonia have gone and settled in the West permanently.

Documentary data show that from the Albanian areas of Montenegro, 15,000 Albanians have settled in America and Australia. Likewise, Yugoslav statistics from 1971 testify that every year, 9,000 Albanians emigrate outside the province of Kosovo. The Serbian methods of de-nationalizing Kosovo also included the absorption of Albanians into the depths of former Yugoslavia. Documents show that from 1944 to 1961, about 79,000 Albanians left for the depths of Yugoslavia.

The national structure of the cadres and other people in employment did not correspond to the national composition of Kosovo. While Albanians made up 80 percent of the population, the number of those who were employed was 59 percent. In the social sector in Kosovo, while one in every five Serbs and Montenegrins was employed, only one in eighteen Albanians was.

Arrival in Albania

Due to the denial of national and social rights in various fields and the persecution and terror during the years 1944-1945, 130 families and 3,750 individual Kosovar Albanians came to Albania. This continued later during the years 1948-1977, when 2,000 political emigrants crossed the border from Yugoslavia to the Republic of Albania, of whom about 1,770 were Albanians and 230 were Yugoslavs. Tito’s government not only denied the Albanian population the right to self-determination but also did not allow them to remain united in one administrative unit, although this population of nearly 2 million people lived under complete terror.

Just as under the monarchist regime of the kings, the Titoists, to satisfy Serbian, Montenegrin, and Macedonian interests, artificially divided the Albanians into four administrative units: the autonomous province of Kosovo, where about 1.546 million people lived, of whom 1.280 million were Albanians. In Macedonia, where about 400-500 thousand Albanians lived. In Serbia, over 80 thousand Albanians, and in Montenegro, where about 50 thousand Albanians lived. The number of the Albanian population, based on statistics and documents published by the Yugoslav state, before and after World War II, is deliberately given as very small by Belgrade.

This data, taken from various censuses during the period 1912-1971, is much smaller compared to what it should have been according to the natural increase of Albanians. From a calculation made based on the natural increase of the Albanian population per thousand inhabitants per year, it turns out that from 1912-1941, about 650,000 Albanians are missing, and who were physically disappeared and migrated outside their lands. Also, from the same calculation, it turns out that during the years 1945-1976, over 540,000 Albanians are missing, physically disappeared and migrated outside Kosovo and the Albanian areas in Macedonia and Montenegro.

According to Yugoslav state statistics, the Serb-Montenegrin element, both in absolute numbers and as a percentage of the total population in Kosovo until 1967, had been increasing due to the large influx and the pre- and post-war colonists. In the 1971 census, in relation to 1961, the Serb and Montenegrin element had decreased both in absolute numbers and in relation to the total population in Kosovo.

The Titoist Theory for the De-Nationalization of Kosovo and Other Albanian Lands in Yugoslavia

The Titoist theorists, historiographers, and politicians wanted to revive the various anti-Albanian theories of the old Greater Serbian bourgeoisie, mainly in the field of historiography and demographics. These theorists denied the ancient origins of the Albanians and belittled the culture of the Albanians, distorting the role of the Albanian League of Prizren, claiming that it supposedly fought to preserve the Sultan’s sovereignty in the Albanian lands. They assert that the Albanian population in Kosovo was supposedly settled 150-200 years ago. Similarly, the Titoist theorists made efforts to implement their views in the field of demographics.

In addition to other anti-Albanian theories, many demographic theories also appeared which aimed to justify the reduction and removal of Albanians from Kosovo and other Albanian lands in former Yugoslavia. Just as in 1937, Vaso Čubrilović, in his paper presented to the Serbian culture club in Belgrade expressed his concern that “our colonization policy was defeated by the fertility of Albanian women.” Even Titoist politicians after World War II were concerned about the large increase in the Albanian population in Yugoslavia. The statistical data of the Yugoslav state in 1971 show that the population of Kosovo during the last 50 years, 1921-1971, despite the disappearances and mass migrations, has tripled compared to the rates of natural increase in Yugoslavia.

The natural increase of the Albanian population in Yugoslavia was, in those years, 34-37 per thousand per year, which is three times higher than the average increase in Yugoslavia. These statistics even showed that the fertility of women in Kosovo ranked third in the world, and the Albanian population was the youngest in age in Yugoslavia (where those from 1 to 35 years old made up 74 percent of the population there). With this trend of growth, the population of Kosovo would double every 24 years. All this data greatly preoccupied the Yugoslavs, who sought ways, forms, and means to reduce and remove the Albanian population.

The Yugoslavs considered the increase of the Albanian population a process of demographic explosion and invented all kinds of ways, which always aimed at reducing the Albanian population. Often, the Titoists put pressure to reduce births, removed the active population from the country, made no effort to reduce mortality, and moreover left Kosovo in complete economic and cultural backwardness, in order to hinder population growth. Thus, Western European norms for family planning were propagated; the policy of migration abroad and within the country was encouraged, as well as the temporary migrations of Kosovar labor to Europe to cope with the population increase.

Belgrade’s Falsifications in the Census of the Albanian Population

To achieve the reduction of the Albanian population in Yugoslavia, they have used endless falsifications in the census of the Albanian population in Yugoslavia. For this, all kinds of forms and pressures have been invented and implemented, so that as many Albanians as possible are registered as Macedonians, Montenegrins, Serbs, and Turks (the so-called Muslim nationality of Yugoslavia). Ultimately, in the last 60 years, 1912-1976, in the Albanian lands annexed by Yugoslavia, over 277,000 Albanians were physically disappeared, and more than 973,000 others were migrated from their lands, which totals the figure of 1 million and 250 thousand people.

From documents and various researchers, it appears that between the two world wars, more than 700,000 Albanians, mainly from Kosovo and Macedonia, went to Turkey alone. But, despite the physical disappearances and the large migrations, the Albanian population of these areas, due to their great resilience and high birth rate, was neither Slavicized nor did they become a minority. Albanians have always been the majority in their lands in former Yugoslavia.

In 1971, the population census in Yugoslavia gave the figure of 1 million and 310 thousand people as the number of Albanians. Of course, this figure is not accurate, as the reality is hidden. At that time, if the increase of the Albanian population in their lands in Yugoslavia is taken into account, this figure should have been about 2 million at that time, which would mean that in terms of population numbers, Albanians were the third largest in that state, which also caused concern for the politicians of Tito’s regime…!

Enver Was Silent About Kosovo in 1946

From 1944 to 1948, the dependence of the Central Committee of the Albanian Communist Party on the communist leadership of Belgrade increased. At that time, every Albanian would have expected the head of the Albanian Communist Party to use his meeting with Tito to at least raise some fundamental issues related to the future status of the territories inhabited by Albanians in Yugoslavia (in their lands in Kosovo, the Plain of Dukagjin, Malësi, Anë e Mali, and Western Macedonia and everywhere else). Enver Hoxha should have asked Tito what he thought about the future of the Albanians of Kosovo, who had contributed so much to the creation of the Albanian state in 1912 and were unfairly left outside of that state, which they had contributed to creating.

Enver Hoxha, in his book “The Titoists,” claims to have raised the issue of Kosovo’s future. It is even said there that Tito replied that the problem of Kosovo could not be raised at the moment because, according to him, it would disturb the Serbs. Tito had no plans to discuss Kosovo with Enver Hoxha. Consequently, the only official opportunity for Enver Hoxha to raise the issue of Kosovo with “international fraternal spirit” with the Yugoslav leader was not used. Belgrade dictated, and Enver Hoxha obeyed. Enver Hoxha had understood that the future of his position as the helmsman of the Central Committee of the Albanian Communist Party and of the new Albanian State was decided in Belgrade.

He waited for the opportunity to present himself. In the interviews Hoxha gave to the Serbian media during his visit to Yugoslavia on June 30, 1946, he is quoted as saying: “It is impossible to imagine the resistance of the small Albanian people against the enemy without the struggle of the Yugoslav peoples.” Hoxha humiliated his people under Serbian pressure, as the latter had helped him stay in the leadership of the Albanian Communist Party. The former leader of the communist state could not deny the effort that Miladin and Dushan gave him to become the head of the Albanian Communist Party and Albania for their own purposes. Hoxha surrendered unconditionally to Tito, and in a way, he fell to his knees before Tito.

In fact, this has been confirmed by many people who accompanied him on his first official visit to Bled, Yugoslavia.” Statements of the same nature as those Enver Hoxha made in Bled are numerous in the Albanian press of 1947-1948, or in the many reports of the Yugoslav missions in Tirana. The Albanian leaders were silent about the fate of Kosovo. Albanian historiography is silent about the agreement that was signed in Belgrade in 1948. Enver Hoxha was preoccupied only with the security and preservation of his position. The price at which he achieved what he wanted did not matter to him.

His dominant preoccupation was the preservation of power, which he gained by betraying his closest collaborators, starting with Qemal Stafa, Nako Spiru, Tuk Jakova, and ending with Sejfulla Malëshova, just a few years after the war. Without dealing with the secret links between Enver Hoxha and the Serbian envoys in Albania, because the documents of that period were in the hands or memory of the individuals in question, there are critical moments in the career of the “legendary leader” of Albania, in the short period of Yugoslav influence, when he was a puppet in the hands of the Serbian communists.

The victims of the Serb-Hoxhaist indoctrination are many. More victims will be found among the Albanian diaspora, which dreams of a strong Albanian state, even under a cruel dictator, for the sake of fulfilling the utopian idea of pursuing a happy future for Kosovo that existed only in their distorted minds.

The Complete Anti-Albanian Document of Vaso Čubrilović, the Ultra-Serbian Nationalist, Is Revealed. The Mistakes of the Serbs and the Game with Turkey and Tirana

The plan to empty Kosovo with money and blood. Secret negotiations with Turkey to take 200,000 Albanians there fear of Italy, and millions for Tirana. “The problem of Albanians in our national and state life is not a recent one; this problem played a great role in the Middle Ages, but it took on decisive importance from the end of the 17th century, when Serbian masses migrated north from the ancient lands of the Bačka, and Albanian highlanders were settled in their place.

They gradually descended from their mountains and settled in the fertile plains of Metohija and Kosovo, penetrating north, spreading towards Southern and Western Morava, and through the Sharr Mountains, they descended towards the Polog and from there towards the Vardar. In this way, until the 19th century, they created the Albanian triangle, which even went deeper to Niš, separating the old lands of the Bačka from Macedonia to the Vardar Valley. This Albanian wedge, populated by anarchist Albanian elements, in the 19th century prevented any strong cultural, educational, and economic links between our northern and southern lands.

This was the main reason why Serbia only in 1978, through Vranje and Montenegro, Skopje, created and was able to maintain continuous links with Macedonia and have that cultural and political influence there, as expected. The Bulgarians, although they started state life later than the Serbs, initially had better results. Serbia began to break up this Albanian wedge from the first uprising, expelling the northernmost Albanian inhabitants from Jagorina. The rest of the Albanian triangle was the task of our present state to break up from 1918 onwards, but it did not do this. There are several reasons for this, but I will mention the most important ones.”

Albanians Have More Children

“The fundamental mistake of the competent officials of that time was that in the troubled and bloody Balkans of that time, they wanted to solve the great ethnic issues with other methods. It should not be forgotten that Turkey brought customs to the Balkans taken from the Sharia, according to which with the victory of war and the occupation of a country, the right over the life and property of the subjected citizens is gained. From them, the Balkan Christians also learned that not only power and dominion but also home and property are won through conflict.

Since 1912, they have solved or are on the way to solving the issues of national minorities through migration; we have stuck to slow and sluggish methods of gradual colonization. The results of this were negative. The natural growth of Albanians is greater than the total number of our natural growth together with the colonists. From 1921 to 1931, the increase of Albanians was 68.6, while that of Serbs was 58.7 people, so the difference is 9,315 more inhabitants in favor of Albanians.

Considering the fertility, the pronounced growth of Albanians, as well as the increasingly difficult conditions of colonization according to the old methods, this disproportion will become greater and greater over time, and in the end, even the few colonization successes that we have achieved from 1918 until today will be called into question.” / Memorie.al

                                              Continued in the next issue

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