By Qerim Lita
Part One
DOCUMENTS / When the whole world reported on the demonstrations of 1981
Memorie.al / In Western analyses and comments, the events in Kosovo were usually placed in the context of the overall situation in Yugoslavia, the Balkans, and beyond. In this regard, the old speculations regarding the future of “post-Tito” Yugoslavia and the various implications of the events in Kosovo on the relations between the blocs in the Balkan region were renewed…! The violence and police-military terror of Yugoslavia against the Albanian demonstrators in Kosovo during March-April 1981 shocked the contemporary Western democratic opinion. International human rights organizations, such as “Amnesty International,” “Committee for a Free World,” and others, placed the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia among those countries that violated human rights and freedoms.
These organizations no longer treated Yugoslavia as a member of the Eastern Bloc, but as a country where a tendency towards totalitarianism, repression, and the suppression of democracy was now present, assessing that a “black international” was being created there. The global press, especially the Western press, paid particular attention to these demonstrations.
The Sector for Informative and Propaganda Activities at the Central Committee of the Communist League of Yugoslavia drafted a document titled “Analytical Information on International Reactions to Events in Kosovo” on June 12, 1981, which is kept in the Archive of Slovenia in Ljubljana, in the fund of the Central Committee of the Communist League of Slovenia (1589).
The 16-page document, in addition to the introductory part, is divided into five separate sections. The first and most important part focuses on the reactions of the democratic press in Western countries, while the second part discusses those of Eastern countries. The third and fourth parts relay the reactions of the press in non-aligned countries and the People’s Republic of China, and the fifth part is dedicated to the reactions and propaganda of the then-communist leadership in Albania.
As we will see further, the then-communist leadership of Yugoslavia accused the Western press in general, and particularly the German, Austrian, Belgian, Swiss, Swedish, and right-wing Italian press, of what they referred to as: “…expressing incorrect tendencies, even hostile writings regarding the events in Kosovo and the situation in Yugoslavia…”.
Furthermore, the document states that this segment of the Western press regarded the “Albanian nationalists’” demand for the establishment of the Republic of Kosovo as reasonable and just. Therefore, for this part of the Western press, the only alternative for Kosovo was the granting of republic status. Since the document has not been published to date, and given its historical weight, I found it appropriate for it to be published (in two parts) in the Albanian newspaper “KOHA” in Skopje.
ANALYTICAL INFORMATION ON INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS TO EVENTS IN KOSOVO
The events in Kosovo were treated globally as a serious test of stability for Yugoslavia in the “post-Tito” period. Such an assessment led to a tactical adaptation of the propagandistic approaches of both blocs. In Western propaganda, two distinct forms of propaganda activities clearly emerge in this case: the first follows the officially proclaimed policy of friendly relations with Yugoslavia, while the second confronts it.
In Eastern propaganda, which had earlier seen a redistribution of roles in its presentation of Yugoslavia (especially after the events in Poland), the events in Kosovo further emphasized this distinction. It is characteristic that the West, pursuing its interests in the Bloc, aimed to provoke the East in the propagandistic confrontation over Yugoslavia (which was very pronounced during Tito’s illness), but the East did not react this time.
There was no contesting of the need for swift measures on our part to normalize the situation in Kosovo. However, certain circles in the world attempted to exploit the events in Kosovo to discredit the international position of Yugoslavia. The reaction of non-aligned countries to the Kosovo events was extremely restrained and cautious. The Chinese media reacted positively, backing their information on our sources.
Within the framework of the global approach of the blocs, the propaganda of some neighboring countries treated the events in Kosovo depending on their specific interests (regarding their internal political and security situations). In this regard, the propagandistic approach of some neighboring countries underwent varying degrees of change. Albanian propaganda undoubtedly highlighted the main objectives of Albanian policy: from previous ideological assaults, there was a shift to open interference in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia and expressions of continued claims over parts of our territory.
I.
In Western analyses and comments, the events in Kosovo were usually placed in the context of the overall situation in Yugoslavia, the Balkans, and beyond. In this regard, old speculations about the future of “post-Tito” Yugoslavia and the many implications of the events in Kosovo on the relationships between the blocs in the Balkan region were renewed. By linking the political situation with the economic one in our country, the Western media considered the events in Kosovo and the measures taken in the Province as a sort of test of strength and stability for Yugoslavia.
A segment of Western propaganda speculates on the unity and effectiveness of our collective leadership and questions our ability to overcome difficulties within the existing system. Indeed, in certain circles, it is assessed that the events in Kosovo have seriously shaken the stability of Yugoslavia, claiming that this “test” has been faced only by the army, while the Communist League, the social self-defense system, and the militia have failed. In approaching the events in Kosovo, Western propaganda does not shy away from its main strategic direction (to “pull” Yugoslavia toward itself and offer its own solution not only for the situation in Kosovo but also for other problems), but within this, two different approaches are observed.
Thus, American and British propaganda is characterized by respect for the officially proclaimed policy of friendly relations with Yugoslavia, emphasizing that Yugoslavia has the power to solve this problem. From the tone of American press writings, it can be concluded that their journalists have been informed and warned to be correct in their propagandistic messages and not to irritate the Yugoslav side. This is also seen in the harsh behavior of American officials toward Ustasha terrorists in the United States and in the publicity in the press regarding the judicial process of the terrorist group in New York. At the same time, in a positive sense, the reporting on the judicial process of Croatian nationalists in Zagreb is also noteworthy: in this case, the issue of “human rights” is not raised.
The British press, alongside mostly correct writings about Kosovo (the well-known speculations appear sporadically and in a restrained tone), engages to ensure that the current political and economic situation of Yugoslavia is not complicated by creating problems in relations with the EEC (European Economic Community – Q. L.) (the veto of Ireland and France on the increase of meat exports from Yugoslavia to EEC countries is criticized).
Such a propagandistic approach from the British and American press aligns with the officially declared interest of these countries that Yugoslavia remains as it is and that the borders of the Balkans are not changed. Their concern is reflected in the hypothesis that the events in Kosovo could take on an international dimension and that this could be exploited by the Soviet Union. In this regard, a significant number of Western media highlight that recently there has been an increase in the exchange of goods between the USSR and the SFRY, and that Yugoslavia’s economic dependence could have serious repercussions on its independent policy.
In response to the “Soviet threat,” especially the Greek right-wing press warns, which after Greece’s entry into NATO became the strongest exponent of NATO’s “views” in the Balkan territory. Thus, following a NATO pact exercise in Greece (in early March before the outbreak of the first demonstrations in Kosovo), it published a “possible scenario” for World War III. According to this scenario, the outbreak of unrest in Kosovo would lead to a conflict between Yugoslavia and Albania, the Soviets would come to Tirana’s aid, Bulgaria would invade Macedonia, while Yugoslavia would call for help from the West.
It is characteristic that the “International Herald Tribune” (Sulzberger) specifically in Athens “came to the information” that the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) stands behind the unrest in Kosovo. Alongside the Greek press, the press of most Western countries also points out that Albania has territorial claims and that this poses a real danger to peace in the Balkans and beyond. In this context, some segments of the Western press explain why Kosovo cannot become a republic, emphasizing that this would lead to unification with Albania, which would have further unpredictable consequences for the balance of power in this area.
It is noteworthy that the Swedish press, which previously often engaged in tendentious writings about our country, reported correctly on the events in Kosovo. This has contributed, among other things, to our citizens in Sweden being more objectively informed about the true situation in Kosovo and more resolutely opposing the anti-Yugoslav demonstrations of the Albanian and Ustasha emigration.
In the press of the Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, Belgium, Switzerland (in the German language), and Italy (right-wing press), there has been a tendency for incorrect, and even malicious, writings about the events in Kosovo and the situation in Yugoslavia. A part of the Belgian press, particularly during April, gave significant publicity to the positions of the anti-Yugoslav Albanian emigration, while in Switzerland, during May, there was a tolerant attitude towards the anti-Yugoslav actions of the Albanian emigrants. It creates the impression that there has been a certain coordination of activities by the anti-Yugoslav forces in these countries during this period.
In the press of these countries, the events in Kosovo are used as a pretext to renew speculations about the inevitable disintegration of Yugoslavia after the death of President Tito. At the same time, there is an open insistence on the thesis about the inefficiency of the socialist self-management system and collective leadership, which, according to assessments from this press, cannot solve complex economic problems and the strained inter-national relations. The Communist League is criticized for the “suffocating of political freedom,” “national sentiments,” and for the ever-growing “gap between official ideology and the development of the society of the SFRY.”
This segment of the press emphasizes that the demands of the Kosovar nationalists are justified, and that the support Albania is providing for this issue is also justified. In some of the German-speaking, Austrian, and Swiss press, the positions of Albania (referring to historical documents from the years 1943, ‘44, and ‘45) are accepted, which state that the Albanians in Kosovo have been “deceived” and “attached” to Serbia. According to them, the only alternative is granting the Republic of Kosovo status. In the Austrian press, also due to self-interest regarding minorities, the thesis is raised that it is natural for Albania to be interested in its “minority” in Kosovo, just as Yugoslavia is “excessively concerned” about its “minority” in Austria.
In the context of speculation regarding Kosovo’s declaration as a republic, there is also speculation about the existence of two currents within the Yugoslav leadership, one advocating for a policy of “strong hand,” while the other seeks a political solution. According to the assessment of this segment of the Western press, the “strong hand” policy currently prevails. These media utilize the events in Kosovo (especially those in German-speaking Western countries) to assert that the national issue has not been resolved in Yugoslavia. In this context, the “Macedonian” and “Croatian” issues are mentioned, as well as the “assimilation of Hungarians in Vojvodina.”
It is noted that the Bulgarian population in Yugoslavia is not allowed to express its national identity (citing the theories of Cola Dragojčević, that the Macedonian nation does not exist). The trial of Croatian nationalists in Zagreb is utilized to illustrate the thesis that national sentiments cannot be expressed by other nationalities in Yugoslavia. The main culprit for such a “situation” is declared to be “Great Serbian chauvinism” and “Yugoslavism” that is “imposed” on other nations and nationalities.
The events in Kosovo and the economic-political situation in Yugoslavia, in general, are linked by some Western media to the turmoil in Poland and draw the conclusion that it is a general crisis of socialism. Western propaganda laments Yugoslavia due to the lack of information about Kosovo, especially regarding the prohibition of foreign journalists’ visits to Kosovo, stating that in this regard, Yugoslavia is not fulfilling its obligations under the Helsinki Charter. The media of Western Communist parties took a differentiated approach to the events in Kosovo.
Notable for their correct and objective writings are the media of the Italian Communist Party (“Unita” and “Rinascita”) and the Greek Communist Party for the country (“Avgi”). In contrast to these media, the media of the Norwegian and Swedish Marxist-Leninist parties, as well as the ultra-leftist Italian magazine “Manifest,” reported on Albanian assaults against Yugoslavia. It is symptomatic that the newspaper of the Communist Party of Greece for the outside world (“Rizospastis”) reported on the Albanian attacks against Yugoslavia.
In this case, “Avgi” polemicized with “Rizospastis,” due to its one-sided and non-objective portrayal of the events in Kosovo. The newspaper of the Communist Party of Belgium, “Drapo Ruzh,” during the anti-Yugoslav campaign in other Belgian press (which widely relayed the statements and positions of the hostile Albanian emigration), reported correctly on the events. The media of the Communist Party of France, “L’Humanite,” reported on the events mainly by relaying news from AFP and Tanjug, not publishing its own comments. There have been no registered writings from the organ of the Communist Party of Spain, “Mundo Obrero,” nor from the pro-Soviet newspaper of the Communist Party of Austria, “Volksstimme.”
II
A fundamental characteristic of the prevailing trend of Eastern propaganda is: content, selectivity, factual reporting based on our sources, and a lack of its own commentary. From this trend, Hungary stands apart (reporting in detail and highlighting the negative aspects of the overall situation in Yugoslavia), Poland (following Hungary with wider publicity, including its own comments with some negative tones), and Romania (which has published no information regarding the events in Kosovo).
In such a propagandistic-tactical approach of the camp (the states of Eastern Europe – Q.L.), the special division of the propagandistic role has surely been influenced by events in Poland and the fear that they could reflect even more severely on the internal political circumstances in certain countries of the Socialist Camp.
This was particularly expressed in Hungarian propaganda, which sought to contest the validity of the socialist self-management system and the manner of solving the national question in Yugoslavia among its own public opinion. For other countries in the camp, with a certain exception for Poland, the characteristic motivations in the conceptualization of the propagandistic approach toward Yugoslavia are as follows:
– The camp did not want to irritate Yugoslavia, nor did they want to engage in any way with the Kosovo issue;
– Efforts were made to create the impression of a “sincere friendship” of the socialist community toward Yugoslavia; highlighting the negative phenomena in our country was avoided, as this would “harm Yugoslavia and socialism in general.”
– With the exception of Hungary and Poland, Albania’s role in the events in Kosovo was not emphasized, as the camp, by maintaining a “neutral stance,” wanted to leave room for the eventual rapprochement of Albania to the camp. Memorie.al
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