By Ali Buzra
Part Ten
LIFE UNDER PRESSURE AND SUFFERING
(EVALUATIONS, COMMENTS, NARRATIVES)
Memorie.al / At the request and desire of the author, Ali Buzra, as his first editor and reader, I will briefly share with you what I experienced in this encounter with this book, which is his second (following the book “Gizaveshi through the Years”) and which naturally continues his writing style. The sincerity and candidness of the narration, the simple and unembellished language, the accuracy and precision of the episodes, and the absence of – or refusal to exploit – any subsequent intentional imaginative processing, have, I believe, served the author positively. He comes to the reader in his original form, inviting us to at least recognize unknown human fates and pain, whether encountered by chance or not, leaving us to reflect as a beginning of awareness toward a catharsis so necessary for the Albanian conscience.
Bedri Kaza
Circumstances that led to Azis Biçaku’s alignment with ‘Balli Kombëtar’
Around the beginning of 1943 (the exact date and month are unknown), a meeting was organized in the village of Borovë in the Golloborda region by Mit’hat Frashëri. All the village heads of the area participated. Azis Biçaku was also summoned to this meeting. He was known as an authoritative personality in the area; meanwhile, he had friends and relatives in the Dibra region. In the families of Murat Kaloshi and Halil Alija, he had first cousins, as his paternal aunts had married there.
In this assembly, he was asked to be the leader of ‘Balli Kombëtar’ in his zone. Knowing the many hardships his family had endured, he initially refused. Through the persistence of Mit’hat Frashëri and Latif Musta, the leader of ‘Balli’ from Borova, he agreed to be a participant but refused to be the head of the zone.
His grandfather, father, brothers, and he himself had clashed several times with Slavic forces. As the only remaining son of Rushit Aga’s family, he felt responsible for the family during the turbulent days of the war. Finally, he accepted, stating that in this zone we will fight to defend ourselves from whoever attacks us, but we must not shed blood among one another. In the village, a ‘Balli’ unit was formed, headed by him, consisting of about 50-60 men who would gather whenever he gave the signal for self-defense.
Naturally, the leaders of ‘Balli’ as well as other nationalist leaders were constantly informed about events inside and outside the country, as well as the stance of the Albanian Communist Party (PKSh) toward non-communist organizations in Albania. On behalf of the PKSh, Sami Baholli was tasked with meeting Azis Biçaku to draw him over to the side of the Democratic Front. It is said that two meetings took place. In the first case, Azis calmly explained the reasons why he could not cooperate with the communists, and they parted with a certain degree of understanding.
In the second meeting, according to witnesses who were present but are no longer alive today, Sami told him: “We will win the war because we are allied with Russia and Serbia.” Azis, revolted and determined, replied: “I met you as a friend, but may you enjoy the Russians, the Serbs, and the communists. I will not join them.” In truth, Sami himself held high state positions after the liberation, while the wealth and properties of the Baholli family were confiscated by the communist state. The family members experienced pursuit and persecution throughout the 45 years of the regime.
Sami Baholli went to every village and knocked on every door, utilizing the family’s many friends to shelter Enver Hoxha, while his father, after the liberation, was sent for several months to suffer in the Maliq marshlands. In an interview given by Ikbal Baholli (on October 3, 2006, to the newspaper “Metropol”), it is stated among other things: “In fact, our family was the first to help the National-Liberation Movement. We supported the movement; my father (Shefqeti) even told me that Enver Hoxha stayed in our house in Labinot and slept precisely on his mattress.
Moreover, since we were small, we children were engaged in the movement. The help from the Baholli family was immense, and this support should, in fact, have been appreciated. But surprisingly, as soon as the war ended, we were the first to be imprisoned, our properties were taken, and we ended up in prisons, persecuted and suffocated by poverty. Even the library could not escape the persecution. The name Qemal Baholli was removed from it, and it became state-owned. Nothing of the Bahollis remained in this building that was built in honor of Qemal and gifted to the city by my grandfather, Nazif Baholli, so that generations could read and remember his youngest son, who died very young. The persecution continued the entire time.
The persecution was terrible and gnawing. My father, Shefqeti, was sentenced to life imprisonment as a Zogist. Later, his sentence was reduced due to his age, and he was released after serving 13 years. My uncle, Nazmiu, was sentenced to 3 years in prison. The looting went to the bone. They even took the books that Nazmiu loved so dearly. They raided us three times, to the point where I happened to see the armchairs we once had inside the Party Committee when I was wandering about looking for work.”
We have drifted slightly from the flow of events to show that violence and persecution had no end and that analogies are found repeated with the same mindset but with different names. Azis Biçaku, as a patriotic nationalist, anti-Slavic, and determined anti-communist, aligned himself with the ‘Balli Kombëtar’ organization, which in its program included the struggle for the liberation of the country as well as a free ethnic and democratic Albania.
The name of Azis Biçaku has been mentioned in various writings, with or without arguments, according to each person’s perspective. In many cases, he has been labeled as an “enemy, mercenary, traitor,” etc. I do not intend to prejudge anyone, but I am obliged not to remain silent in the face of such statements, which are not real. The labels of “enemies and traitors” for such prominent historical figures of the area are a continuation of the socialist historiography that has set. Indeed, it still seems difficult to break away from it.
Naturally, this has its reasons. The indoctrination, not only of the Albanian population but also of the intelligentsia of those years, was massive. I will not dwell on describing the activity and operations of Azis Biçaku during the war, as that would constitute a separate theme. On the other hand, that is not the purpose of this book; however, I will mention a few moments from the war period that show Azis Biçaku was an atriot and nationalist, just like many others.
His anti-Slavic and anti-communist convictions cannot be used as an argument to accuse him of being anti-national. Regarding his personality, I have gathered information from many people in Letëm and other villages who knew him closely. And this not only in recent years but also 20-30 years ago. Over the years, I have received data from elders Halit Shuli (92), Haki Kullafi (86), Destan Lala (87), Fez Bardhi (92), and others. From the data gathered from them and many others, regarding the war period, it results that:
First, Azis Biçaku protected his village from the possibility of reprisals during the war, a goal he had set for himself from the beginning. During the attack by the Second Shock Brigade to eliminate nationalist forces in Funarës, Zgosht, and Letëm, he positioned himself at the start at the place called “Guri i Prasit,” preventing their penetration into the village of Letëm. In the clash between nationalist and partisan forces at Qafë Drizë, the latter were routed, leaving behind dead and many prisoners.
It was Isak Alla and Azis Biçaku who decided to release the prisoners after disarming them. I do not want to dwell on this, as I treated it above, but it is now known that partisan commands mercilessly killed not only Italian prisoners but also ‘Balli’ members captured after battle. This happened in many cases, knowing that such action is contrary to the laws of war. And this occurred in an inhumane manner not only with foreign prisoners but also with Albanians themselves.
Secondly, in 1943, Azis was held under arrest for some time by the Italians as a person who caused trouble for their forces. This is also proven by another detail: while Azis was being held under arrest, the wife of his son, Isuf, gave birth to a son, whom Azis named “Lirim” (Liberation). This is the real name of Ilir Biçaku, who, from the age of three, experienced the macabre camps of the communist dictatorship.
Thirdly, in cooperation with other nationalist leaders of neighboring villages – Daut Gurra, Shahin Dosku, Zeq Hunçi, and Isak Alla – they not only allowed but facilitated the passage of Mehmet Shehu’s First Shock Brigade through the mountainous territory, including the village of Letëm. In my first book, “Gizaveshi through the Years,” I wrote about the testimony given by the elder Rexhep Beti from Gizaveshi in 2009, where the latter declares he was present when Azis Biçaku gave his word (besa) in his house to two partisans sent by Mehmet Shehu to pass through his village territories.
I have recently sought further data on this, and it results as entirely true. Three Germans from Babja, where German forces were stationed, came to Azis’s house. Their aim was to force him to attack the partisan forces of the First Brigade. Family members saw them coming and notified him. Azis did not make contact with them but moved to the house of Tahir, his nephew’s son, at the other entrance. Meanwhile, he instructed his wife on how to act. She told them that Azis was in Qarrishta. On that same day, he welcomed the partisans sent by Mehmet Shehu into his home, to whom he gave his word that they would not be struck.
Meanwhile, he sent his son, Isuf, along with Tahir, to accompany them, ensuring their safety on the way to the brigade. Until his arrest, Tahir Biçaku kept a letter given by Mehmet Shehu as evidence of the besa given by Azis Biçaku. The question arises: why did the Germans come to Azis Biçaku? I treated this in the first chapter, so there is no need to dwell. However, it must be said that this happened everywhere in Albania. The Germans were interested in making contact with anti-communist forces, even encouraging them against the partisans.
In reality, the civil war in Albania had already begun. Today, there are historians and analysts who deny this, but many others confirm it. The fact remains that quite a few battles were fought between the Front forces and nationalist ones. What name can be given to this war fought among Albanians themselves, which caused many victims? To address the specific case, almost the entire wing of Albanian nationalists saw the Slavic-communist threat as the primary danger.
And as the painful history of the Albanian people later proved, communism in Albania triumphed. Its consequences were suffered and are still being suffered today by our people and our youth, who are forced to leave their beloved country to survive. In a democratic system envisioned by ‘Balli Kombëtar’ and its intellectual ideologues like Mit’hat Frashëri, Abaz Ermenji, etc., everything would have been different. With the abundant wealth and great resources of our country, the situation we are in cannot be justified. This situation has no explanation other than the socialist system practiced for 45 years in post-war Albania.
Nevertheless, speaking of the specific case, we can say that the Germans could not use Azis Biçaku to throw him against the forces of the First Brigade. Contemporary’s recount that Azis was heard saying several times about the First Brigade: “they are the sons of mothers, they are simple soldiers, and their leadership is to blame.” At a gathering organized in Rrapun during the war, where about 500 men were present, including my fellow villagers, those there recall Azis Biçaku’s words.
He addressed those present, saying: “we do not want the occupier, and we will fight them, but the leaders of the partisans are connected to Serbia and Moscow. They are godless, and they will take our land and livestock. We cannot unite with them.” And the fact is that even those nationalist leaders who did join them were eliminated one by one through extrajudicial killings, imprisonments, and long internal exiles.
British General Davies is captured!
Regarding the figure of Azis Biçaku, the capture of the British general has been and continues to be mentioned. This is true. At the height of the clashes between the Front forces and those of ‘Balli’, this event took place. Nationalist forces had information that the General Staff of the Partisan Army was in the village of Kostenja. Not only Azis Biçaku and Isak Alla went there with their units, but also other nationalist leaders of the area.
In the clash with the forces of Baba Faja’s battalion, with whom the British General Davies was present, the latter was wounded and surrendered. Azis Biçaku took him and cared for him, bringing a doctor from Elbasan. It has been said that the ‘Balli’ forces were supported by a German platoon, but this is unlikely to be true, because if German forces had been there, they would have taken the British general immediately.
The fact is that the general was handed over to the Germans by Azis Biçaku after several days, because the general himself requested it. We are familiar with the divergences the British mission, and specifically Davies himself, had with Enver Hoxha, about which the latter wrote in the book “The Anglo-American Threat to Albania.” In these notes, Enver Hoxha spoke at length about his contradictions with the general regarding the different stances they shared.
Meanwhile, he states there that the German command was asked to exchange General Davies for two German female spies captured by partisan forces in Kukës. Their response was that the general had refused this. Thus, General Davies apparently preferred German captivity over further cooperation with the Albanian communists. He lived on after the Second World War. I have not come across his book “Illyrian Venture,” but naturally, it is not in his interest to admit that he himself requested to be surrendered to the Germans.
Returning to the issue we are treating, I can say that the ‘Balli’ forces did not go to Kostenja to capture the general. The latter just happened to be there. We cannot prejudge the circumstances under which Enver Hoxha and the other members of the General Staff left, while the general remained there, or was left there, abandoned by Enver Hoxha.
Regarding Azis Biçaku’s stance during the war, we have two panoramas, both real. In one case, Azis Biçaku goes in pursuit of the General Staff, while in the other case; he allows and enables the passage of the partisans of the First Brigade through the territories of the village of Letëm. In the latter case, there was a great possibility that the partisans could have been annihilated by ‘Balli’ forces. The territory they passed through was extremely difficult. The path was narrow, and the place was covered in snow. The locals knew the trails very well, where there was an advantage for ambushes.
Thus, it is an indisputable fact that Azis Biçaku, as the locals describe him, was a noble and measured man. He did not undertake actions against simple soldiers and did not take the opportunity to strike them in circumstances extremely favorable to him. The passage of the First Brigade occurred after the Kostenja event. So he was unable to catch the head of the leadership there, as they, sensing the danger, fled, while he did not act against the partisan army.
It is very easy to understand that if Enver Hoxha, the head of the PKSh, had been captured, events might have flowed differently. Azis Biçaku would have been recognized as a symbol of the nation’s salvation from the communist plague. This is because, within the ranks of the PKSh, there were personalities with moderate tendencies who might have stopped the fratricidal war by cooperating with nationalist leaders.
Enver Hoxha liquidated these persons one by one, both during and after the war. Albania would not have been what it is today. I believe it would have had a stabilized economy equal to other European countries. But, unfortunately, we did not have that luck, because the dictator survived and installed the communist regime in Albania by force.
To close the chapter regarding the claim that “Azis Biçaku collaborated with the Germans,” I can say with full conviction that although he met with them, he was not their collaborator. He never sought support from them because he did not need it. Except for the Kostenja case, he did not undertake armed actions against partisan forces.
Within the framework of self-defense and cooperation with other ‘Balli’ units, his forces and those of Isak Alla moved through different areas of the district, discussing the problems that had arisen during the war. There may be a case where Germans arrived there, but there is no data that Azis Biçaku entered into combat alongside the Germans, just as he did not fight against them.
In the history of the years of the dictatorship, it was often written, and not just then but even today, about the looting committed by ‘Balli’ units. This should not be taken as a blanket statement. Not only ‘Balli’ forces, but also partisan ones, which had a better organization, did not have a regular food supply chain when they moved. They sheltered and supplied themselves wherever they went. The question arises: did it happen that goods were taken by force in inhabited centers where they went, with or without the knowledge of the leaders?
This happened on both sides, but with one difference. On the side of the ‘Balli’ members, we can say they committed such acts even without the knowledge of their leaders. Whereas the partisans had a strong discipline. Such acts were also committed by them, but by order of their leaders. A concrete example is Polis Vilani, where the partisans not only damaged the villagers’ crops with the mules and horses they had with them, but also took livestock by force and looted houses.
I received these testimonies from living witnesses who experienced such events in their childhood. Nevertheless, from whichever side of the war such actions occurred against the civilian population, they are wrong and punishable.
Azis Biçaku refuses to surrender, but continues the fight remaining three years as a fugitive
At the end of 1944, Azis Biçaku parted with the members of his unit, who were all from the village of Letëm, telling them: “Go to your homes. The communists won the war. I will not surrender alive into their hands. Forgive me.” After embracing each one of them, he began the life of a mountain outlaw (kaçak), together with his eldest son, Isuf. By then, he was 64 years old.
At the end of 1944, possibly at the beginning of December, partisan forces entered the village of Letëm and burned his houses, as well as Tahir’s, which were attached to his, leaving women and children under the open sky in the middle of winter. Their houses were two-story, with two entrances and 18 rooms. The family members could take very few goods from the houses, as the forces acted with unprecedented cruelty and violence. Meanwhile, they confiscated livestock and valuable goods.
His family members initially sheltered in the house of Ahmet Hoxha. The latter was later executed without trial. Tahir’s family sheltered for two years in the house of Azis Lala and another two years in the house of Ramazan Dobra. Together with his brother Shebrit, Tahir rebuilt their house after four years, moving slightly away from the ruins of the burned house. Azis, as a fugitive, joined the three Alla brothers: Isak, Halil, and Kamber. / Memorie.al
To be continued in the next issue
