From Dashnor Kaloçi
Part thirty-nine
Memorie.al / Exactly 43 years ago, as the dawn of December 18, 1981, approached, the Albanian Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu, who had held that position since 1953, was found dead in his bedroom (according to the official version, from a “bullet” of a pistol) in the villa where he lived with his family, at the entrance of the high-ranking leadership block of the PPSH (Party of Labor of Albania), just a few meters from the Central Committee of the PPSH and also from Enver Hoxha’s Villa 31. Although more than four decades have passed since that day, which is regarded as one of the most serious and notorious events of that regime, even today, there is no clear and accurate version regarding what happened to the former Albanian Prime Minister, Mehmet Shehu, in the midnight hours leading up to December 18, 1981! However, even after the 1990s, dozens of testimonies and archival documents related to that event have been made public, the “murder or suicide of Mehmet Shehu” continues to be the subject of much debate and discussion, further enveloping the truth about it in mystery!
Starting from this fact, in the framework of publishing dozens of testimonies and files with archival documents from the secret fund of the former State Security and Ministry of Internal Affairs, as well as the Central Committee of the PPSH, which we have published in these three decades after the collapse of the communist regime of Enver Hoxha and his successor, Ramiz Alia, the newspaper has secured the voluminous file of the “enemy and poly-agent Mehmet Shehu,” which has been extracted from the secret fund of the former State Security at the Ministry of Internal Affairs (now declassified and part of the fund of the Authority for Information on the Documents of the Former State Security), where, with some small exceptions, the vast majority of them have never seen the light of publication and are being published for the first complete time, with the respective facsimiles.
In the mentioned file, in addition to the testimonies during the investigation of witnesses or defendants, the complete act-expertise of the operational-investigative group that was established immediately on the morning of December 18, 1981, headed by Koço Josifi (chairman of the Investigation of the Directorate of Internal Affairs of Tirana), forensic doctors Dr. Fatos Hartito and Docent Bashkim Çuberi, the prime minister’s doctors, Milto Kostaqi and Llesh Rroku, the criminal expert from the Central Criminalistic Laboratory of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Estref Myftari, assisted by high-ranking officials of that ministry, Deputy Minister Xhule Çiraku, chairman of the Investigation Directorate in the Ministry of Internal Affairs Elham Gjika, and Deputy Director of the Directorate of Internal Affairs of Tirana, Lahedin Bardhi, can be found.
This file also contains testimonies from family members of former Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu, service personnel, his escort group, and all other persons who were summoned and testified about that event, as well as correspondence letters from Mehmet Shehu and Fiqrete (written by their hands), concerning their sons, Bashkimi and Skënderi, up to the early days of December 1981.
However, although we are dealing with archival documents, it should be emphasized that; knowing how the communist regime operated before the 1990s, we can never claim absolute authenticity regarding what is written there. This is because not only the witnesses and defendants, who have given their testimonies, but also some of the investigators of this case (mainly after the 1990s), have made it known that those testimonies were obtained under pressure, intimidation, and physical and psychological torture, with some investigators having written them themselves, and the witnesses or defendants merely signed them.
Moreover, for some of the defendants in this investigative process, specifically in the case of Fiqrete Shehu, the questions were drafted by Enver Hoxha himself (in his own handwriting) and sent to the investigators through the Minister of Internal Affairs, Hekuran Isai (which we have made public with the respective facsimiles in previous articles), all of which aimed to facilitate the “uncovering of the hostile group of the poly-agent Mehmet Shehu”, in order to justify his suicide (according to the official version)!
In this context of the dictator Enver Hoxha’s paranoia, the following individuals were arrested and put on trial: Kadri Hazbiu (former member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the PPSH and Minister of Internal Affairs and Defense), Feçor Shehu (former Director of State Security and Minister of Internal Affairs), Nesi Nase (former Minister of Foreign Affairs), Llambi Ziçishti (former Minister of Health), Llambi Peçini (former head of the Department of Protection and Physical Security of the high leadership of the PPSH), Elham Gjika (former head of the Investigation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs), Gani Kodra (former head of the Department of Protection and Physical Security of the high leadership of the PPSH and the family of Mehmet Shehu), Kristofor Martiro (former investigator of the “hostile group of Beqir Balluku”), Ali Çeno (former head of the escort group of Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu), Xhavit Ismailaga (former barber at Hotel “Dajti”), Idriz Seiti (former colonel of State Security, chairman of the Departments of Internal Affairs in Kukës and Lezhë, and head of a department in the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the detention, security, and execution of anti-Party individuals), Lirim Pëllumbi (former head of the Internal Affairs Department of the Durrës district), Qamil Mane Islami (former colonel in the Directorate of Camps and Prisons at the Ministry of Internal Affairs), Duro Shehu (brother of Mehmet Shehu, former commissioner in the Directorate of Air Force Aviation of the Ministry of Defense), Fiqrete Shehu, the wife of Mehmet Shehu, with their two sons, Bashkimi and Skënderi, etc.
From this “hostile group”, the first four (Kadri Hazbiu, Feçor Shehu, Llambi Ziçishti, and Llambi Peçini) were sentenced to death and executed, while the others received heavy prison sentences, from which they were only released in 1991, with the exception of Fiqrete Shehu, who died in prison in 1987 under mysterious circumstances that remain unexplained, as well as the eldest son of the Shehu family, Vladimir, who also died under mysterious circumstances that remain unexplained in the city of Gramsh (the official version; suicide), where he had been interned with his family in January 1982. For more details about all these events, the mentioned documents provide us the information we need, which we are publishing along with the respective facsimiles and relevant photographs.
Continues from the previous issue
SELF-CRITICISM OF THE MINISTER OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS, FEÇOR SHEHU, ADDRESSED TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE PPSH, RELATED TO THE CRITICISM MADE BY ENVER HOXHA, REGARDING HIS FAULTS ABOUT THE ENGAGEMENT OF SKËNDER SHEHU WITH SILVA TURDIU
TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE PPSH
TIRANA
Aware of the very just critique made by comrade Enver regarding my mistake concerning Skënder Shehu’s engagement to Silva Turdiu, at the Party’s basic organization meeting on 17.11.1981, I made a self-criticism so that it could be judged about this mistake.
I considered it reasonable to present the self-criticism made in the basic organization of the Party to the Central Committee of the Party, following the self-criticism made previously (with comrade Ramiz Alia and comrade Kadri Hazbiu).
To clarify the issue, in the basic organization of the Party, I briefly outlined the circumstances of the incident, my mistake and its causes, the correct and immediate intervention of comrade Enver to rectify the wrongdoing done in this engagement, as well as the criticism I had of comrades Mehmet, Fiqret, and Skënder Shehu.
In July of this year, comrade Mehmet Shehu tasked me to provide biographical data on Silva Turdiu (a volleyball player at the “Dinamo” Club), instructing that for this work, I should not involve anyone else, but complete it myself.
According to the order given to me, I obtained from the 8th Department of the First Directorate and from the 4th Department, the (archived) file of Qazim Turdiu. Based on the study of these documents, I compiled the biography of Silva Turdiu, which, according to the order I had been given, I sent to comrade Mehmet Shehu within the specified timeframe, emphasizing that; “the information I obtained is in the file of Qazim Turdiu, which is (archived) in the ministry, and from the sector that leads it, the ‘Dinamo’ Club, so it may not be complete”!
During the reading of this biography by comrade Mehmet, comrade Fiqret, who was present, asked me two questions specifically:
a.Since you have worked in Shkodër, you should know what kinship connections Silva’s mother has with Arshi Pipa and
b.How is Mitat Aranita connected to these (the family of Silva Turdiu)?
To both of these questions, which clearly indicated that comrade Fiqret knew details about the biography of this family, I replied: in the file of Qazim Turdiu, there is nothing said about these two people. I know that Arshi Pipa and Mitat Aranita are enemies; the latter, who is also from Mallakastër, is better known than I am by comrade Mehmet himself, but how they are connected to this family, I don’t know anything, so it should be investigated.
– In the written biographical data that I submitted to comrade Mehmet, as far as I remember, I am sure that, among other things, I emphasized:
- Qazim Turdiu is a wealthy layer, – patriarchal, currently a professor at the University, and in 1980, for good work, he was awarded a decoration.
- He has two brothers who have escaped abroad, one in America and the other in Yugoslavia.
The one in America was an active member of the Nationalist Ball youth during the National Liberation War and, to avoid punishment, he escaped on the eve of Liberation and currently engages in hostile activities against us. In fact, our agencies have received two letters from Qazim Turdiu (as is done with others) in an attempt to influence his brother to stop the hostile activity, but even after this, he has not given up.
The other brother, who escaped to Yugoslavia, was sent there for studies and with the breaking of relations in 1948, he did not return but stayed there (he escaped). He is currently a doctor, and no activities are known about him.
- For these data and reasons, Qazim Turdiu has been monitored by State Security 2-3 times, but since nothing has come of it, his file has been archived according to procedure.
- His daughter (Silva Turdiu) is a university student and a volleyball player at the “Dinamo” Club, with good behavior and attitude.
While reading the biography, comrade Mehmet asked me one question: If it were you, i.e., if your son were to want this girl, what would you do?
I answered, “The girl is good, but as you see, the biography of her father is very bad, therefore I would go to the Party and act as the Party instructed me.”
At that moment, without any further discussion, comrade Mehmet said to me: “Don’t get involved with this issue anymore, and please don’t discuss it with anyone, as this is only a thought; the boy and the girl have not taken any step, I (Mehmet) and Fiqreti will make the judgment.”
The conclusion is that the biographical data given to comrade Mehmet were sufficient to prevent Skënder’s engagement (his son) to this girl. The issues that Fiqreti raised could be investigated if they wanted, but comrade Mehmet halted any further actions on our part regarding this problem.
From that moment (the month of July) until October, when comrade Mehmet asked me again for the biography to show to Skënder so that he would break off the engagement because he had erred and was rightfully criticized by the Party, meaning he would correct the action taken, I did not know anything about the engagement. I learned this accidentally from others when I was preparing to go for service in Kolonje.
Thinking that the requested biography was given to me on the order of a member of the Political Bureau and the Prime Minister, to whom I was subordinate for Party and state work, and that when he asked me, I told him that for this issue I should ask and act as the Party directs, until the day he called me in and criticized me rightly, comrade Enver, I did not understand that I was wrong. However, aided by the Party and our dear leader and teacher, comrade Enver Hoxha, I reflected on my mistake and the reason that led me to this error, for which I have made a self-criticism in the Central Committee, and now I will also try to do so in the basic organization of the Party.
More specifically, during this action, I made two mistakes:
First, when comrade Mehmet asked me what I would do in this specific case if I were in his position, I did well to tell him that for this matter, I would come to the Party and ask how the Party would advise me. But I realize now that I should have said more directly, exactly as I felt, that: “your son should not be engaged to this girl.”
Secondly, when I learned of this action, I should have immediately gone to comrade Enver and signaled that comrade Mehmet was inquiring about Skënder getting engaged to a girl who did not meet the conditions, with the intention of preventing this engagement. I did not take this initiative, even when I learned of the event.
I also feel responsible for the delayed provision of information to the Central Committee of the Party regarding comments and slogans related to this engagement. Comrades Mehmet Çaka, Kadri Gojashi, Zef Loka, Ndue Doçi, and Tahir Malo also bear responsibility for this, as they did not fulfill the task in a timely manner, despite the orders and tasks I had given them regarding this issue, even multiple times.
If I had worked harder with the comrades dealing with this problem, specifically as we did after the criticism from the Central Committee of the Party, we surely would have accomplished the task timelier.
The issue of gathering, processing, and providing information to the party committees in the districts and the Central Committee concerning hostile slogans and various comments has also been discussed before. The State Security bodies have their shortcomings and weaknesses. We have not managed to do this with the quality and in a timely manner; consequently, we have provided little help, and thus we need to rectify the situation.
For this reason, we are now organizing consultations and debates with the collective, and in conclusion, we will improve both the method of gathering and processing information, as well as the exhaustiveness of this information, ensuring that it is as complete and timely as possible.
Now, analyzing my stance on this issue in light of the completely just criticism made by comrade Enver, I conclude that the causes that led me to this mistake are the weaknesses in my ideological formation, to always understand correctly the Marxist-Leninist principle that we must vigilantly protect the Party’s line from anyone who violates it and the norms of the Party.
This ideological gap is also connected to my excessive trust in comrade Mehmet that he, as a comrade of the leadership, along with Fiqret, would not make such a serious mistake, which simple communists would not allow themselves, and I could not imagine that these comrades would take such a step without consulting the Party and comrade Enver, who would never allow such a thing.
Therefore, for the future, I have drawn significant lessons that, under the direction of the Party and comrade Enver Hoxha, I must intensify my efforts for my overall ideological education, especially to increase vigilance regarding the strict implementation of the norms and line of the Party, as well as the determined struggle that must be made to protect them from anyone who violates them.
I assure the Party, comrade Enver, and the basic organization that I will never allow myself such mistakes again, and as a loyal member of the Party and comrade Enver Hoxha, I will atone for the serious mistake I made with work, sparing nothing, and if necessary, even my life.
Regarding the above, I find it necessary to clarify to the basic organization of the Party that for the mistake committed by comrade Mehmet Shehu, comrade Enver Hoxha knew nothing, absolutely nothing. He did not learn this from me but from others, and when he found out, he immediately took a correct and firm stance, a Party stance, Marxist-Leninist, calling and assisting comrade Mehmet to correct the mistake he had made.
And there could be no other way, because the Party and comrade Enver have never allowed and will never allow such deviations from anyone, whether a simple Party member or someone with responsibilities.
As a communist, I fully endorse the very just, vigilant stance, with Marxist-Leninist partisanship and the timely stance of the Party and comrade Enver Hoxha regarding the actions of comrade Mehmet, comrade Fiqret, and Skënder Shehu.
With the actions they took, these comrades committed a very serious fault: they violated the Party’s line on one of its most cardinal issues, such as the unwavering and constant development of the class struggle, by forming an alliance with a family of ill repute, an act that caused significant damage to the Party’s work, and had the Party and comrade Enver not corrected it immediately, the consequences would have been even more severe.
Comrades Mehmet and Fiqret should never have allowed themselves such a deviation, as they are comrades in leadership; they know the Party’s line and had sufficient biographical data not to commit this violation in due time.
The actions of these comrades prompted a lot of commentary. Thus, the healthy opinion, expressing astonishment at how comrade Mehmet could commit such a fault, given the known figure of Qazim Turdiu, reached the conclusion that this was a violation of the Party’s line, a lack of vigilance towards declassified elements, and when they learned of the dissolution of the engagement, this category of people said with satisfaction: “this is how it should be, because our Party and comrade Enver Hoxha have never allowed and will never allow the Party’s line to be violated by anyone!”
The relatives of Qazim Turdiu and others with liberal tendencies expressed their satisfaction that from this precedent, they too could correct their biographies, while enemies exploited this act to spew venom against the Party.
The incorrect stance of comrade Mehmet and comrade Fiqret regarding this event cannot be separated from the concessions they have made concerning the behaviors and attitudes of the other son (Bashkimi) and his wife, who have often caused various comments among the people, especially for their inappropriate dress and association with unmonitored individuals, things that cannot be unknown to their parents (They have also received several warnings about this).
Given these mistakes made, I believe that comrade Mehmet should reflect and also struggle against excessive self-confidence, which leads to hasty decisions in some cases, sometimes even offending comrades or suppressing their willingness to express their thoughts freely, which harms the work of the Party.
From the principled and partisan stance that the Party and comrade Enver maintained in this case, I have absolute confidence that not only I but all comrades will learn lessons, especially for increasing vigilance and improving our education with Marxist-Leninist ideology, with the Party’s teachings and those of comrade Enver Hoxha, to defend at all times and from anyone the Party’s line and its norms, because only in this way can the Party be protected and strengthened, as the Central Committee and comrade Enver Hoxha constantly instruct us. Memorie.al
Feçor Shehu
Tirana, 26.11.1981
To be continued in the next issue
